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*Appointments shown are those held by members at the time of submission of the report to the Secretary of State or at the time of their resignation from the Committee.

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The estimated cost of the production of the report is £692,618, of which £127,815 represents the estimated cost of printing and publication. £477,000 the cost of administration and research and £87,803 the travelling and other expenses of members.

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We refer throughout this report to a number of different ethnic minorities as well as to the (white) ethnic majority. Following common usage, and in the interests of brevity, we refer to 'West Indians' and 'Asians' as shorthand for the more accurate, but more cumbersome 'British citizens of West Indian or Asian origin'. It should be borne in mind that virtually all of the 'West Indian' children about whom this report is concerned and the vast majority of 'Asian' children were in fact born in this country. The term 'Asian', unless otherwise specified, is also used as a collective term to cover a range of ethnic minorities whose cultural roots emanate from the Indian sub-continent, India, Pakistan and Bangladesh; although some came to Britain from East Africa and elsewhere. The religious affiliations of these groups include Islam, Hinduism, Sikhism and others and their languages include Urdu, Punjabi, Gujerati, Bengali, Pushtu, Sindhi and others.

In addition we refer to the ethnic majority as the 'white' or 'indigenous' majority. None of these terms is wholly satisfactory. There are white minorities within the white majority, while some of the white minorities have lived long enough in Britain to be regarded as indigenous. Nevertheless we think, given these warnings, that our use of the different terms will not cause confusion.

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Origins of this Committee

1. The origins of this Committee can be traced back to the concern expressed by the West Indian Community during the late 1960s and early 1970s about the academic performance of their children. This concern was recognised by the Select Committee on Race, Relations and Immigration and in their report on the West Indian Community in 1977 (1) they recommended that:

'... as a matter of urgency the government (should) institute a high level and independent inquiry into the causes of the underachievement of children of West Indian origin in maintained schools and the remedial action required'.

'Recognising the contribution of schools in preparing all pupils for life in a society which is both multiracial and culturally diverse, the Committee is required to:

review in relation to schools the educational needs and attainments of children from ethnic minority groups taking account, as necessary, of factors outside the formal education system relevant to school performance, including influences in early childhood and prospects for school leavers;

consider the potential value of instituting arrangements for keeping under review the educational performance of different ethnic minority groups, and what those arrangements might be;

consider the most effective use of resources for these purposes; and to make recommendations.

In carrying out its programme of work, the Committee is to give early and particular attention to the educational needs and attainments of pupils of West Indian origin and to make interim recommendations as soon as possible on action which might be taken in the interests of this group.'

(1) The West Indian Community. Select Committee on Race Relations and Immigration. February 1977. HMSO. HC 180 I.

(2) The West Indian Community. Cmnd 7186. HMSO. April 1978.

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Interim Report

3. Our interim report, fulfilling the requirement in our terms of reference to give particular attention to the situation of West Indian children, was submitted to the Secretary of State on 27 February 1981 and was published on 17 June 1981. (3) In that report we concluded that West Indian children as a group were:

'... underachieving in relation to their peers.'

'... no single cause ... but rather a network of widely differing attitudes and expectations on the part of teachers and the education system as a whole, and on the part of West Indian parents, which lead the West Indian child to have particular difficulties and face particular hurdles in achieving his or her full potential.'

Modus Operandi

4. Throughout our work we have adopted a structure of specialist sub-committees and sub-groups to consider the range of issues encompassed by our remit. Although our membership covered a wide range of interest and expertise, we felt that we would benefit from the presence on our sub-committees of additional members with particular knowledge and experience. We therefore co-opted a number of individuals to whom we are particularly grateful for their help and advice. Whilst this report owes much to the contributions of our co-opted members, they are not however responsible for the conclusions and recommendations which we put forward here. Details of these co-options are given in Appendix A of this report.

Reviews of Research

5. In order to enable us to make the best possible use of the relevant research evidence available, we commissioned the National foundation for Educational Research (NFER) to prepare a series of

(3) West Indian Children in our Schools. Cmnd 8273. HMSO. June 1981.

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evaluative reviews of research. These reviews are or will be available publicly, as follows:

• 'Caught Between: A Review of Research into the Education of pupils of West Indian origin'. Monica J Taylor. NFER-Nelson. 1981;

• 'The Best of Both Worlds ...?: A Review of Research into the Education of pupils of South Asian origin'. Monica J Taylor and Seamus Hegarty (forthcoming); and

• Third Review of Research (relating to the 'other' minorities considered by the Committee): Monica J Taylor and Seamus Hegarty (forthcoming).

As well as proving particularly helpful to us in our work - and we have indeed drawn on the conclusions of these reviews throughout this report - the NFER reviews provide a wealth of material on the educational experiences of ethnic minority pupils, as well as describing the backgrounds of the various ethnic minority communities in our society, which will, we are sure, be of considerable interest to those working in this field. In the course of our work we have ourselves commissioned a number of studies relating to particular issues or areas of concern. References to the findings of these studies are included in the relevant chapters of this report.

Evidence-Gathering

6. During our lifetime we have issued two main invitations for evidence - firstly at the start of our work, when we were seeking evidence relating particularly to the situation of pupils of West Indian origin, and then again, after the publication of our interim report, when we invited both comments on that report together with further evidence relating to other ethnic minority groups and to the broader issues encompassed by our remit. On both occasions our invitations for evidence were given a very wide distribution and we also supplemented these general requests for evidence by approaching a range of educational organisations and ethnic minority community organisations, for evidence on their specific concerns. The summary of our interim report's findings and conclusions was also sent to every maintained school and teacher training institution in England, inviting comments and further evidence. In addition to these requests for evidence, our sub-committees have also, on a number of occasions, requested information relating to more specialist matters within their remits. The response to our various invitations for evidence and requests for information has been quite overwhelming; we estimate that we have received almost 1000 submissions of

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evidence, all of which have proved immensely helpful to us in our work, as well as indicating the amount of interest and, in some cases, concern about the whole field of 'multi-cultural education'. We also called together representatives of several 'interested organisations' to discuss particular issues in greater depth and organised oral evidence sessions, for both the full Committee and at sub-committee level. Lists of those who submitted evidence to us are included as Appendices to this report.

Forums

7. We decided early on in our work that we wished to extend our consultations beyond the traditional education interest groups and the leading national ethnic minority organisations to involve also parents and young people, particularly from the various ethnic minority communities, who might otherwise have been unlikely to make their voices heard through formal channels. We therefore organised some 30 open meetings or 'forums' around the country, which took place in schools or community centres, in the evening or at weekends, usually under the auspices of local community relations councils, at which we could discuss the major issues of concern to the communities in these areas. These forums provided a very valuable further source of evidence to us and lent added immediacy to our understanding of the communities' concerns, particularly about the influence of racism on their everyday lives. Details of the various forums are given in Appendix E.

National Conference

8. As well as inviting written comments on our interim report, we also convened a one day national conference, in November 1981, to discuss its findings. There were over 250 participants, including representatives of both Houses of Parliament, local authority members and officers, heads and teachers and community representatives from a range of ethnic minority groups, and the conference was opened by the Secretary of State for Education and Science. This conference enabled us to discuss, with representatives of a very wide range of interest groups, the broader implications of the conclusions which we had reached in our interim report, as well as to hear their views on the specific issues to which they felt we should devote attention for this report.

Visits

9. Throughout our work we have endeavoured to visit as many LEAs, schools and other educational institutions, of as many differing types and in as many parts of the country as possible. We have received evidence from nearly one third of LEAs and have investigated in rather more detail the work of 20 of them. Members or representatives of this Committee have visited over 150 schools and

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other institutions - these are listed in Appendix B. On our visits to primary schools we have made particular efforts to talk to parents about their expectations of schools and their aspirations for their children. In secondary schools we have taken every opportunity to meet and talk with groups of senior pupils, especially but not exclusively from ethnic minority groups, in order to seek their views on the various issues within our remit - bearing in mind that in many ways it is their attitudes, as the citizens and parents of the future, which offer a crucial insight into the future nature of our society.

Acknowledgement

10. We are grateful to all the local authorities, schools, organisations and individuals who took the time and trouble to prepare written evidence for us or to participate in discussions about aspects of our work. We are particularly grateful to those schools which we visited both for their hospitality and the open and frank way in which the teachers and indeed the pupils were prepared to discuss their anxieties and concerns with us.

We hope that this report will be considered as a whole by all those concerned about the role of education in relation to the changed and changing nature of our society. Although we devote individual chapters to considering various specific issues within our remit, these chapters are invariably interrelated and the conclusions reached within them depend for their proper understanding on the broad context and underlying aims and objectives on which the whole of our work has been based. These chapters are themselves grouped to form several distinct parts of the report, reflecting different aspects of our deliberations.

In Part One of the report - 'Setting the Scene' - we set the context for our work by discussing the relationship between the education system and the nature of present day British society. We begin by considering the various ways in which our multiracial society could evolve and then put forward our own view of the role which we believe education can and must play in laying the foundations for a society based on genuinely pluralist principles. We go on to discuss the controversial issue of racism, and its influence on both schools and the wider society, on which so much of our evidence has focused. We consider both the broad concept of prejudice and the particular roots of racism as well as looking at the various ways in which racism, at both individual and institutional level, can manifest itself and,

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more importantly, can be countered. Finally we return to the issue of the achievement and underachievement of pupils of ethnic minority origin, which was of course central to our interim report.

In Part Two of the report - 'Education for All' - we review the evolution of policies and practice, at both central and local level, in the field of 'multi-cultural education' from the early days of large scale immigration up to the present day. We reflect in particular on the way in which the aims and objectives of policy making in this field have changed over the years, in relation to changing circumstances and the concerns of ethnic minority communities and educationists. We also draw together here the findings of some of the research studies which we have ourselves commissioned in the course of our work. We then go on to put forward, in chapter six, our own view of the task for education in meeting the needs of ethnic minority pupils and preparing all pupils, both ethnic majority and ethnic minority, for life in a society which is both multiracial and culturally diverse. Having set out the broad principles which we believe should underlie our philosophy of 'Education for All' and considered the practical implications of such an approach for the curriculum, we conclude by putting forward an overall strategy for the management of change needed in order to achieve the objectives we have advocated.

In Part Three of the report - 'Major Areas of Concern' - we devote chapters to considering those aspects of education which emerged clearly from our evidence as arousing the greatest interest and anxieties amongst both the ethnic minority communities and educationists: language and language education, and religion and the role of the school. In both chapters we put forward specific conclusions and recommendations for progress, reflecting the principles of 'Education for All'. We also devote a chapter to considering the implications of our view of the task facing education, for teacher training at all levels and set out a distinct strategy for change within the teacher training field to complement and support the development of 'Education for All'.

In these three parts of the report we focus primarily, but not exclusively, on the needs and concerns of the two most numerous ethnic communities in this country - the West Indian community, (4) which was the subject of our interim report, and the Asian community. (5) Our terms of reference required us however to consider

(4) According to data from the Ethnic Statistics Unit of the Office of Population Censuses and Surveys, the West Indian population of Great Britain in 1981 (the most recent year for which figures are available - from the 1981 Labour Force Survey) numbered some 604,000.

(5) According to OPCS data the Asian population of Great Britain in 1981 numbered 1,114,000.

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the needs of children from the whole range of ethnic minority groups. In Part Four of the report - 'Other' Ethnic Minority Groups - we therefore consider the needs and problems of several of the numerically smaller ethnic minority (communities which are also now an integral part of British society, ranging from the Chinese community to the Vietnamese refugees and the Travelling community. Here again we seek to relate our specific findings to the broader debate about the response of the education system to the experiences and aspirations of ethnic minority communities and more broadly to the emergence of an increasingly complex and diverse multiracial society.

In Part Five of the report we draw together, for ease of reference, our Main Conclusions and Recommendations. It must be recognised however that several of our most important chapters do not in fact contain detailed recommendations of this kind and we would therefore emphasise again that we hope this report will be read in full by educationists and others in positions of responsibility and influence.

Throughout our report, we have sought to draw together, both in the text of the chapters and as annexes, examples of attitude and practice drawn from the wealth of evidence we have received, both in order to illustrate and highlight the overall message which we wish to convey to both policy makers and practitioners.

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1. The Committee of Inquiry into the Education of Children from Ethnic Minority Groups was established by the then government in March 1979 as part of its response to the report of the Select Committee on Race Relations and Immigration on 'The West Indian Community' (1) which highlighted concern about the academic performance of West Indian children. The present government confirmed the Committee's establishment and completed the appointment of members. The Committee was asked to look at the educational needs and attainments of children from the whole range of ethnic minority groups bearing in mind factors relating to pre-school experiences and prospects for school leavers. As a first step, however, the Committee was required to prepare an interim report on the particular needs and attainments of West Indian children. 2. The Committee's interim report 'West Indian Children in our Schools' was published on 17 June 1981. (2) This leaflet sets out the main findings of the report and summarises the recommendations offered in it.

(1) House of Commons HC 180 I-III February 1977.

(2) Cmnd. 8273 HMSO June 1981 Price £5.30.

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3. In the absence of any nationally agreed definition of 'West Indian' the Committee has dealt in its report with 'children who are black, whose families came originally from the group of islands known as the West Indies, and who are generally speaking regarded as West Indian by teachers and the community at large'. The report stresses that virtually all these children are British-born.

4. In preparing its interim report, the Committee received written and oral evidence from a wide range of individuals and organisations including many representatives of the West Indian community and between January and July 1980 members spent over 100 days visiting schools and other institutions around the country.

5. The report stresses that 'the education of West Indian children cannot be seen in isolation and must be considered as part of the education of all children'. As well as discussing the major issues in the education of West Indian children, the Committee's interim report also therefore considers the much broader question of what schools in general should be attempting to provide for all their pupils in today's 'multiracial and culturally diverse' society.

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6. The Committee summarises briefly the various studies which over recent years have appeared to show considerable underachievement by West Indian pupils in relation to their white peers. For example in 1966 and 1968 Little's studies of the reading standards of 9 year olds in ILEA showed that West Indian children were performing less well than their contemporaries and the 1980 ILEA Literacy Survey showed that at 15+ this was still the case. In order to obtain some up to date statistical information on the academic performance of West Indian children the DES Statistics Branch included, at the Committee's request, in their School Leavers Survey for 1978/79, for six LEAs (covering approximately half of the school leavers from ethnic minorities) a question on the ethnic origin of the leavers.

7. The results of the School Leavers Survey Exercise show:

- In all CSE and GCE O Level examinations only 3 per cent of West Indians obtained 5 or more higher grades (3) compared with 18 per cent of Asians and 16 per cent of all other leavers in these LEAs;

- In CSE English and GCE O Level English Language only 9 per cent of West Indians obtained higher grades compared with 21 per cent of Asians and 29 per cent of all other leavers in these LEAs;

- In CSE and GCE O Level in Mathematics only 5 per cent of West Indians obtained higher grades compared with 20 per cent of Asians and 19 per cent of all other leavers in these LEAs;

- At GCE A Level only 2 per cent of West Indians gained one or more pass compared with 13 per cent Asians and 12 per cent of all other leavers in these LEAs;

- Only 1 per cent of West Indians went on to University compared with 3 per cent of Asians and 3 per cent of all other leavers in these LEAs; and

- Only 1 per cent of West Indians went on to full time degree courses in further education compared with 5 per cent of Asians and 4 per cent of all other Ieavers in these LEAs.

8. The Committee concludes that although there will 'always be some children who will underachieve and for various reasons will fail to reach their full potential' their concern is that West Indian children as a group are 'underachieving in relation to their peers, not least in obtaining the examination qualifications needed to give them equality of opportunity in the employment market and to enable them to take advantage of the range of post school opportunities available'.

(3) Grades A-C at O Level and Grade 1 CSE.

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9. The report considers in some detail the various factors, both within the education system and outside it, which have been said to lead West Indian children to underachieve:

Racism

Many West Indians who gave evidence to the Committee saw racism as the major reason for their children's underachievement and other people mentioned this as a contributory factor. The Committee believes that only a very small minority of teachers could be said to be racist in the commonly accepted sense. However it claims that a teacher's attitude towards, and expectations of, West Indian pupils may be subconsciously influenced by stereotyped, negative or patronising views of their abilities and potential, which may prove a self-fulfilling prophecy, and can be seen as a form of 'unintentional racism'. The Committee concludes that, whilst racism, whether intentional or unintentional, cannot be said alone to account for the underachievement of West Indian children, it can and does have an important bearing on their performance at school. The report therefore urges teachers to be prepared to examine and reappraise their attitudes and behaviour, to challenge all manifestations of racism and to playa leading role in seeking to change the attitudes of society as a whole towards ethnic minority communities.

Pre-school Provision

The Committee feels that the existing provision for the under fives, both in terms of day care and nursery education, is generally inadequate to meet the needs of the population as a whole, and may be particularly ill-suited to the needs of West Indian families. It believes that evidence 'points to the cycle of West Indian underachievement having its roots in the pre-school years and ... that measures relating to primary and secondary education must be accompanied by improvements in the pre-school field'. The report recommends that local authorities should make greater efforts to ensure that West Indian parents are aware of the pre-school facilities available and that LEAs should do more to help parents appreciate the contribution which they can make to the progress of their child, before he enters school. Other recommendations relate to the need for better coordination within local authorities of services for the under-fives, the conversion of former primary school premises for nursery use, the extension of the opening hours of nursery schools and units, the need for those who work with under-fives to be made aware of the particular difficulties faced by West Indian families, and the need for there to be more nursery nurses and health visitors from ethnic minority groups.

Reading and Language

Reading
The report summarises the findings and conclusions of the 1980 ILEA Literacy Survey on the low reading attainment of West Indian children and discusses briefly

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the methods and materials used by schools for teaching reading. It focuses on a recent study of the benefits derived by schools from involving parents more directly in helping their children to learn to read and recommends that all LEAs and schools should consider ways of building on this work.

Language
The report summarises current views on the nature of the language of West Indian children, the various approaches adopted by schools and teachers to this language and the attitudes of West Indian parents. It concludes that 'for the majority of West lndian children in our schools, who were born and brought up in this country, linguistic factors play (no) part in underachievement'. It feels however that 'the attitudes towards West Indian children's language held by some teachers ... may have an important bearing on their motivation and achievement' and recommends a range of measures designed to encourage teachers' understanding and appreciation of the nature of West Indian language.

Curriculum

The report argues strongly that a broadly-based, 'multi-cultural' approach to the curriculum should be adopted by all schools, both those with ethnic minority pupils and all white schools, and offers some examples, at both primary and secondary level, of what it sees as 'good practice' in this respect. The Committee does not 'believe that education should seek to iron out the differences between cultures, nor attempt to draw everyone into the dominant culture' but rather should 'draw upon the experiences of the many cultures that make up our society and thus broaden the cultural horizons of every child'. The Committee's recommendations to the DES, HM Inspectorate and the Schools Council are designed to encourage a multi-cultural approach throughout education and within schools, head teachers and teachers, especially those from ethnic minority groups, are seen as having particular roles to play in bringing this about.

Books and Teaching Materials

The Committee's call for a multi-cultural approach in education is reiterated in relation to the books and teaching materials used by schools. The Committee felt that some of these still presented an inaccurate and negative picture of ethnic minority groups and of other cultures, and calls upon teachers and librarians, with advice from their LEAs, to examine the books they use and to take account of their appropriateness to today's multiracial society.

Examinations

The Committee feels that 'examinations have a major part to play in complementing and reflecting a multi-cultural approach to the curriculum in schools and the multiracial nature of today's society'. It believes that the examining boards have shown themselves inflexible and, in some cases, dismissive both of the particular needs which ethnic minority pupils may have, and of the need for their syllabuses and papers to be more relevant to the actual experiences of the pupils in schools today. It therefore recommends that all GCE and CSE boards should review their policies in

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this respect and, looking towards the restructuring of the examinations system, that the DES should take account of these considerations in any new arrangements.

School Pastoral Arrangements

The report emphasises that the Committee 'believe(s) that all teachers have a pastoral role in schools and that it cannot be separated from their overall teaching duties' and that 'pastoral care cannot be seen as being solely the concern of those staff expressly designated as having pastoral responsibilities'. It recommends that headteachers should ensure all their staff are aware of their pastoral responsibilities; that LEAs should provide appropriate in-service courses on the particular needs of ethnic minority pupils and that teachers should be encouraged to attend these courses.

Links between Schools and the Community

The Committee highlights here one of the main themes running throughout its report - the gulf in trust and understanding between schools and West Indian parents. The failure of some schools to understand the particular social and economic pressures which West Indian parents may face, together with the failure of some West Indian parents to appreciate the contribution which they can make to their child's education, are both seen as factors in the underachievement of West Indian children. The Committee urges schools to 'reach out' to parents by, for example, more teachers undertaking home visiting and by making information on the school's policies and on children's progress more easily accessible to parents. In turn West Indian parents and the West Indian community are encouraged to respond positively to approaches from schools and to seek ways of being actively involved in the school's work. The report offers a range of recommendations designed to foster closer links between schools and the community they serve.

Special Provision

Much of the concern which originally led to the Committee's establishment centred around West Indians' fears that their children were being wrongly placed in ESN(M) schools. The Committee attempted to ascertain whether West Indian children were disproportionately represented in ESN(M) schools but the absence of ethnically based statistics on the school population meant that they were unable 'to confirm or deny this belief'. The report therefore recommends strongly that the DES should carry out its undertaking (4) to collect statistics on the ethnic mix of ESN(M) schools in order to establish the facts clearly and (in chapter three) recommends that further ethnically based educational statistics should be collected. The committee welcomes the Education Bill 1981 which proposes wide-ranging changes in current arrangements for children with 'special educational needs' and in particular new rights for parents. The report recommends measures designed to ensure that West Indian children are not incorrectly assessed for special education by, for example, asking LEAs to 'take full account of the particular factors, such as cultural differences and the effects of discrimination, which may have a bearing on the educational progress of West Indian pupils'. The report refers briefly to the anxiety frequently voiced by parents about

(4) Home Office White Paper 'The West Indian Community.' Cmnd. 7186 April 1978.

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the number of West Indian children who are suspended or excluded from school. It therefore recommends that procedures after a pupil is suspended or excluded should be tightened up. The Committee expresses its concern at the increase in the number of special behavioural or 'disruptive' units established in recent years, especially since West Indians believe that their children are often wrongly referred to these units. Again the absence of statistics meant that it was not possible for the Committee to establish whether West Indians were over-represented although in the units the members visited this did not seem to be the case. The report offers a number of recommendations concerning referral to the units and recommends that the DES should 'consider the legal position of units serving more than one school and which cater on a full-time basis for disruptive pupils'.

Preparation for adult life

The Committee devotes considerable attention to issues relating to the transition from school to work and the particular needs of West Indian pupils since this is an area 'which probably worries West Indians more than any other covered by our remit'. The report points out that unemployment is disproportionately high among young West Indians, not least because discrimination is still widespread in the jobs market. It calls upon those concerned to bring about equality of opportunity for all school leavers. Poor employment prospects, combined with low teacher expectations, are said to have a demotivating effect on West Indian pupils and to discourage them from achieving their full potential. Although many West Indians believe that some careers teachers and careers officers discriminate against West Indian pupils and tend to channel them into certain low-level occupations, the Committee does not accept that in the vast majority of cases this is so. It suggests however that, as with the teaching profession as a whole, there may be instances of 'unintentional racism' resulting from stereotyped views of West Indian children. The report offers a range of recommendations designed to make school careers education and the work of the careers service more effective and responsive to the particular needs of West Indian youngsters by, for example, suggesting that training courses for careers officers should include reference to their needs and that more West Indians and people from other ethnic minority groups should be involved in careers work. It also recommends that schools should monitor on an ethnic basis the destination of their leavers to 'allow schools to identify any worrying patterns in the achievement or lack of achievement of any ethnic minority group'.

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10. In this chapter the Committee considers the support available for schools and teachers through teacher education, LEA advisory services, statistics and funding:

Teacher education

Throughout its report the Committee has emphasised the key role which it sees teachers and head teachers playing in making the education system, and particularly the curriculum, more responsive to the needs of ethnic minority pupils and genuinely multi-cultural in character. In the field of inital training the Committee concludes that no teacher training institution 'appears to have succeeded in providing a satisfactory grounding in multi-cultural education for all of its students' and that 'the great majority of students are thus entering teaching having received little or no guidance on how to adopt a broadly-based approach to education 'which takes full account of the presence of ethnic minorities in our society'. It recommends that all teacher training institutions should review their policies in this respect. The Committee also urges LEAs and schools to establish effective induction programmes. Whilst developments in the field of in-service education are seen as more positive especially in terms of school-based work, the report recommends various ways in which provision relating to the needs of ethnic minority pupils and the theory and practice of a multi-cultural approach to education should be extended and encouraged. The Committee attaches considerable importance to developments in in-service education as 'the most effective means of directly affecting teaching in our schools in the immediate future'. The Committee reiterates its call for there to be more West Indian teachers and professionals at all levels in the education service and presses for there to be more 'special access' courses designed to enable ethnic minority people and others to train for teaching.

The Advisory Services

The Committee believes that all LEA advisers 'have a role to play in increasing awareness and understanding of the needs of ethnic minority pupils and in fostering the development of a curriculum relevant to the needs of society today'. Where LEAs have advisers with specific responsibility for multi-cultural education - and the Commitee recommends that all LEAs with substantial ethnic minority populations should consider making such an appointment - the report stresses that the person concerned 'needs to have a genuine understanding of ethnic minority pupils and a knowledge of the minority communities' cultures and concerns'.

Statistics

The Committee points out that its task in preparing its report has been continually hampered by the absence of ethnically-based educational statistics and goes further to say that 'the absence of ethnically-based statistics throughout the education system has contributed to the lack of positive action at both national and local level to identify and seek to remedy the underachievement of West Indian children'.

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It declares itself 'wholly in favour of the collection of educational statistics on an ethnic basis where they are to be used in establishing facts about how members of the ethnic minorities are faring in the education system' and therefore recommends a range of statistics should be recorded and collected with effect from 1 September 1982. In recognition of the concerns which have been voiced in the past about the use of ethnic classifications and the confidentiality of the information obtained, it recommends that as a first step the DES should consult the local authority associations, the teacher unions, the Society of Education Officers and representatives of the ethnic minority communities.

Funding

The Committee acknowledges that it has received evidence about the possibility of establishing a Central Fund to meet the educational needs of ethnic minority children but defers consideration on this until its main report. The Committee discusses the various criticisms which have been voiced about the current arrangements for the provision of funds to local authorities under Section 11 of the Local government Act 1966. It concludes that 'Section 11 provides a valuable source of funding to local authorities' but there is a 'need for the government to revise its provisions to make it more appropriate to the needs of the ethnic minority communities in our society'. It recommends therefore that the government should undertake a review of the provisions and operation of Section 11.

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11. In the final chapter of its report the Committee summarises briefly the various factors which it has discussed relating to the underachievement of West Indian children. It reiterates that West Indian children are indeed underachieving and that 'urgent action is needed to remedy this'. As far as the reasons for this underachievement are concerned the Committee says it has identified 'no single cause ... but rather a network of widely differing attitudes and expectations on the part of teachers and the education system as a whole, and on the part of West Indian parents, which lead the West Indian child to have particular difficulties and face particular hurdles in achieving his or her full potential'.

12. The Committee then considers in some detail the part which various 'agencies of change' can play in bringing about the overall changes for which the report calls. It discusses the roles of central government (particularly the DES), local government (particularly LEAs), and a range of interested organisations and institutions including teacher unions, examining boards and the CRE and local CRCs.

13. The Committee then considers the cost implications of its recommendations. It emphasises that the majority call for no additional funds but rather 'a reordering of the priorities under which resources are at present allocated so as to bring about a fundamental change in attitude towards the ethnic minorities in our society and in particular towards ethnic minority pupils in our schools'. It recognises however that there will be some additional costs for example associated with staff time in establishing links between schools and parents and reviewing the curriculum. Some of the recommendations which call for schools to review the extent to which they take account of the multiracial nature of society will have 'psychological' rather than 'financial' costs since 'all concerned - teachers, pupils and parents - will need to be prepared to reappraise in some cases long-accepted views of the "British education system" and of their roles within it'.

14. Having listed all the specific recommendations it has offered, the Committee then summarises a number of issues which have been raised in the report which, in the time available, it has not yet considered fully or which affect all ethnic minority groups and will therefore be considered in the main report. The Committee concludes with a call for comments on this report and further evidence for its main report.

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Annexes
Annex A: Paper by Derek Cherrington and Ray Giles summarising the Findings of a National Survey of Multicultural Aspects of Teacher Training.
Annex B: Paper by HMI Ivor Ambrose summarising the Findings of an Inspection Exercise to Investigate the Coverage of Multicultural Education in Initial and In-Service Teacher Training courses.
Annex C: Extracts from Evidence received from Two Teacher Training Institutions reflecting the underlying principles of Permeation.
Annex D: Extracts from Evidence illustrating the ways in which Multicultural Issues have been incorporated in the Core Studies of various Teacher Training Institutions.
Annex E : Extracts from Evidence relating to Optional Courses offered by various Teacher Training Institutions.
Annex F : Extract from Evidence describing the work undertaken in a PGCE Option Course in Multicultural Education at a University Department of Education.

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Annex G: Council for National Academic Awards - Multicultural Education: Discussion Paper.
Annex H: Data from Little and Willey's Research Report 'Studies in the Multi-Ethnic Curriculum' relating to In-Service Training.
Annex I : National Programme of 'Training the Trainers' Courses.
Annex J : Admissions of Ethnic Minorities to Teacher Education Studies from Access Courses.

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Appendix A Co-opted members to Sub-Committees.

Appendix B List of Educational Institutions which have submitted evidence to the Committee.

Appendix C List of LEAs and organisations which have submitted evidence to the Committee.

Appendix D List of individuals who have submitted evidence to the Committee.

Appendix E List of open meetings or 'forums' arranged to hear the views of parents and young people.

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Education and the Nature of Society

1. The relationship between the education offered in our schools and the broader nature of society has of course long been the subject of considerable debate and discussion in educational circles. In drawing up our terms of reference the then government set the context for our work in a society which they described as:

'both multiracial and culturally diverse.'

'Ethnic Identity'

2. By birth, choice or chance we are all members of a variety of different 'groups', the members of which share characteristics which distinguish them from other groups. Our 'membership' of particular groups may be based on characteristics, such as age or gender, which are easily perceived and over which we have no control, or on less obvious characteristics, such as occupation or religion, which can derive from social circumstances and may to some extent be based on choice and which may vary over time. Membership of a particular ethnic group is however one of the most important aspects of an individual's identity - in how he or she perceives him or herself and in how he or she is perceived by others. A particular ethnic group may be characterised both by shared physical attributes such as skin colour, which are constant and which are not a matter of choice, and also by certain shared cultural attributes, which may be open to change or choice but which can also serve as powerful forces in maintaining that group's distinctiveness. We believe it would be entirely wrong to overestimate the extent to which an individual's character, lifestyle or abilities can in any sense be fully understood simply on the

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basis of the ethnic group to which he or she may belong. It would nevertheless be similarly naive in our opinion to deny the crucial role which ethnicity, perhaps particularly in the 'eye of the beholder', can play in determining an individual's place in this society. Whilst individuals may belong to different groups of various kinds they are in addition also part of the wider national society by virtue of a range of common shared characteristics, such as a common language and a common political and legal system, which, taken together, give that society a degree of unity and its members a form of 'corporate identity'. A democratic society can in general terms be seen to be further united by a shared commitment to certain essential freedoms and to fundamental values such as a belief in justice and equality.

Assimilation or Separatism

3. In Britain today, there are members of many diverse and numerically smaller ethnic minority groups living alongside a majority group which, though far from homogeneous in its actual composition, history and origins, is nevertheless regarded as, and tends to regard itself as, sharing a common ethnic identity. A number of important and fundamental issues arise however over the relationship which can and should exist between the ethnic majority group and the various ethnic minority groups and it is on the resolution of these issues that the future of our multiracial society depends. In theory there are two extreme forms which the relationship between ethnic minority groups and ethnic majority group can take in a society. On the one hand, there is full assimilation - where the minority group loses all the distinctive characteristics of its identity and is ultimately absorbed and subsumed within the majority group. On the other hand, there is separatism - where minority and majority groups continue to live in the same society but each effectively operating within their own separate 'compartment', with the minimum interaction needed in order to coexist. In our view neither of these 'solutions' offers a just or indeed practicable basis for a multiracial society. A deliberate social policy of assimilation would, we believe, be a denial of the fundamental freedom of all individuals to differ on aspects of their lives where no single way can justifiably be presented as universally appropriate. The sense of 'ethnic identity' amongst many members of ethnic minority groups, as we have indeed found time and time again throughout our work, is very strong and there is little indication that this will simply dissolve in the face of the influence of the majority group's way of life. Even if minority groups were prepared to lose some aspects of their identity in this way, there are, as we have already observed, certain features of the ethnic identity of some minority groups, most notably perhaps skin colour, which individuals cannot change even if they so wish and which are likely therefore to continue to distinguish them from other

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members of society and thus prevent full assimilation. Equally we consider that a policy of enforced 'separate development' of different groups would be unlikely to offer equality or justice to the members of all groups, least of all the numerically smaller minorities. Indeed, a society based, in this way, on the enforcement of rigid divisions between different groups within it could be said to be almost a contradiction in terms, since a degree of shared experience can be seen as one of the major factors in maintaining a cohesive society.

The Concept of Pluralism

4. We consider that a multiracial society such as ours would in fact function most effectively and harmoniously on the basis of pluralism which enables, expects and encourages members of all ethnic groups, both minority and majority, to participate fully in shaping the society as a whole within a framework of commonly accepted values, practices and procedures, whilst also allowing and, where necessary, assisting the ethnic minority communities in maintaining their distinct ethnic identities within this common framework. Clearly the balance between the shared common identity of society as a whole and the distinct identities of different ethnic groups is crucial in establishing and maintaining a pluralist society, and it must be recognised that such a society places obligations on both the minority and majority groups within it, if it is to offer them all a full range of benefits and opportunities. In a democratic pluralist society, we believe all members of that society, regardless of ethnic origin, have an obligation to abide by the current laws of the country and to seek to change them only through peaceful and democratic means, but there is also an obligation on government to ensure equal treatment and protection by the law for members of all groups, together with equality of access to education and employment, equal freedom and opportunity to participate fully in social and political life, both locally and nationally, equal freedom of cultural expression and equal freedom of conscience for all. The ethnic majority community in a truly pluralist society cannot expect to remain untouched and unchanged by the presence of ethnic minority groups - indeed the concept of pluralism implies seeing the very diversity of such a society, in terms for example of the range of religious experience and the variety of languages and language forms, as an enrichment of the experience of all those within it. Similarly, however, the ethnic minority communities cannot in practice preserve all elements of their cultures and lifestyles unchanged and in their entirety - indeed if they were to wish to do so it would in many cases be impossible for them then to take on the shared values of the wider pluralist society. In order to retain their identities when faced with the pervasive influences of the lifestyle of the majority community, ethnic

[page 6]

minority groups must nevertheless be free within the democratic framework to maintain those elements which they themselves consider to be the most essential to their sense of ethnic identity - whether these take the form of adherence to a particular religious faith or the maintenance of their own language for use within the home and their ethnic community - without fear of prejudice or persecution by other groups. It is important to emphasise here free choice for individuals, so that all may move and develop as they wish within the structure of the pluralist society. We would thus regard a democratic pluralist society as seeking to achieve a balance between, on the one hand, the maintenance and active support of the essential elements of the cultures and lifestyles of all the ethnic groups within it, and, on the other, the acceptance by all groups of a set of shared values distinctive of the society as a whole. This then is our view of a genuinely pluralist society, as both socially cohesive and culturally diverse.

Variance with Reality

5. In looking at the relationship which exists in Britain today between the ethnic majority and the various ethnic minority groups, which are now an integral part of our society, we believe that the pluralist ideal which we have put forward is far from being realised. Many within the majority community appear to be largely oblivious to the significance of the multiracial nature of society, tending to regard the members of ethnic minority groups very much as 'immigrants' and 'outsiders' even though almost all have either been born in this country or belong to groups which have been established here for many years. Where the ethnic minority communities are accepted as belonging here it frequently seems to be very much on the understanding that there is an onus on them to adapt their lifestyles to conform to the traditional British way of life so as to cause as little disruption as possible to the lives of the majority community and even the suggestion that the presence of these groups might have a bearing on the lives of the majority community appears to be dismissed. Thus in many respects the majority community appears to favour the development of a multiracial society along assimilationist lines in which the ethnic minority communities in due course merge with an unchanged ethnic majority group. As we have already pointed out however, such a 'solution' is, in our view, both unrealistic and unjust and would make quite unreasonable demands on the ethnic minority communities. In contrast to, and to some extent in consequence of, these views within the ethnic majority community, there are growing signs within some ethnic minority communities of a trend towards a separatist philosophy - a tendency to begin to look inwards to reinforcing their separate group identities at the expense of looking outwards to the wider community which, having rejected

[page 7]

them, they are now in turn choosing to reject. We believe that unless major efforts are made to reconcile the concerns and aspirations of both the majority and minority communities along more genuinely pluralist lines, there is a real risk of the fragmentation of our society along ethnic lines which would seriously threaten the stability and cohesion of society as a whole.

Diversity within Unity

6. It is essential, we feel, to acknowledge the reality of the multiracial context in which we all now live, to recognise the positive benefits and opportunities which this offers all of us and to seek to build together a society which both values the diversity within it, whilst united by the cohesive force of the common aims, attributes and values which we all share. In advocating the development of our society along ethnically pluralist lines we are conscious that Britain can in principle be seen as already pluralist in other respects, for example in terms of the regional variations and various cultural groupings which are readily accepted as part of the overall British 'way of life'. We are not therefore seeking a radically different social structure, but rather looking for an extension of this existing pluralism to embrace ethnic minority communities. We realise that some people when faced with our aim of a more genuinely pluralist society may challenge this as in some way seeking to undermine an ill-defined and nebulous concept of 'true Britishness'. The identity of our society however represents an amalgam of all the various forces which have been and indeed are still at work within it and the many influences which have impinged upon it from outside. Thus to seek to represent 'being British' as something long established and immutable fails to acknowledge that the concept is in fact dynamic and ever changing, adapting and absorbing new ideas and influences. As put in evidence to us:

'Britain has always been a multi-cultural society. Over four centuries of Empire and Commonwealth it has become a multiracial society. This process is irreversible - a legacy of British history.'

'It is no longer appropriate to speak of the ethnic minorities in this country as immigrants. Already almost half of Britain's population whose origins lie in the New Commonwealth or Pakistan were born here. Many more were brought up in this country and, for practical purposes, know no other. Britain is their home. They belong here; they are here to stay and to play their part in the life of their country.'

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We believe that a genuinely pluralist society cannot be achieved without the social integration of ethnic minority communities and the ethnic majority community within a common whole. Whilst we are not looking for the assimilation of the minority communities within an unchanged dominant way of life, we are perhaps looking for the 'assimilation' of all groups within a redefined concept of what it means to live in British society today. We are not seeking to fit ethnic minorities into a mould which was originally cast for a society, relatively homogeneous in language, religion and culture, nor to break this mould completely and replace it with one which is in all senses 'foreign' to our established way of life. We are instead looking to recast the mould into a form which retains the fundamental principles of the original but within a broader pluralist conspectus diversity within unity.

Influence of Racism

7. This then is our view of the kind of pluralist multiracial society for which we believe the education system should help to lay the foundations - a theme which we go on to develop further in this report. Before doing so however it is essential to discuss the influence of the racism faced by many ethnic minority communities, both in terms of its influence on individual attitudes and behaviour and its less obvious but in many respects more pervasive influence on institutional policies and practices - which can be seen as the major obstacle to the realisation of the kind of society which we have envisaged here. We devote our next chapter therefore to considering this controversial and difficult area of concern.

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As we said in our interim report:

'Very few people can be said to be entirely without prejudice of one kind or another and in this country, due in part at least to the influence of history, these prejudices may be directed against West Indians and other non-white ethnic minority groups. A well-intentioned and apparently sympathetic person may, as a result of his education, experiences or environment, have negative, patronising or stereotyped views about ethnic minority groups which may subconsciously affect his attitude and behaviour towards members of those groups ... We see such attitudes and behaviour as a form of 'unintentional' racism.

Although genuine misunderstandings can sometimes lead people, both black and white, to believe mistakenly that racism lies behind certain behaviour or situations, we are convinced from the evidence that we have obtained that racism, both intentional and unintentional, has a direct and important bearing on the performance of West Indian children in our schools.

The suggestion that teachers are in any way racist understandably arouses very strong reactions from the profession and is often simply rejected out of hand as entirely unjustified and malicious. Since a profession of nearly half a million people must to a great extent reflect the attitudes of society at large there must inevitably be some teachers who hold explicitly racist views. Such teachers are very much in the minority. We have, however, found some evidence of what we have described as unintentional racism in the behaviour and attitudes of other teachers whom it would be misleading to describe as racist in the commonly accepted sense. They firmly believe that any prejudices they may have can do no harm since they are not translated into any openly discriminatory behaviour. Nevertheless, if their attitudes are influenced in any way by prejudices against ethnic minority groups, this can and does, we believe, have a detrimental effect on all children whom they encounter.'

Extract from our Interim Report
'West Indian Children in our Schools'.

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1. Introduction

The Changing Climate of the Debate

1.1 Since we referred in these terms in our interim report to the role which racism could play in the educational experience of ethnic minority children, we believe that there has been a quite marked shift in opinion, both within the education system and society at large, on the propriety of openly discussing this issue. Views may still differ on the nature of racism, the extent of its influence and how best to overcome its effects. Even those people who would challenge its very existence in this country however now seem to accept it as a concept which justifies full and careful consideration and are willing to consider the possibility that certain attitudes and procedures may work against particular ethnic minority groups in society. Whereas in the early part of our work the mere mention of the word racism, in meetings and discussions with educationists and others, was sometimes sufficient to provoke extreme reactions of anger, distress and defensiveness, more recently we have found a far greater willingness to explore this issue in a balanced and dispassionate manner. The considerable attention devoted by the media to considering racial disadvantage and discrimination in the wake of the disturbances in some inner city areas during 1981, and subsequently Lord Scarman's well-publicised report, (1) have clearly done much in bringing about this new climate of opinion and it seems that in education circles at least our interim report has also contributed to the debate. Since we believe that the key to understanding the concept of racism lies in creating a situation where people are willing and able to examine and appraise attitudes and practices, both their own and other people's, free from preconceived notions of superiority and inferiority, or 'guilt' and 'innocence', we are greatly encouraged by this heightened level of awareness.

Reactions to Our Interim Report

1.2 The conclusions which we drew in our interim report on the issue of racism provoked a good deal of reaction and comment at the time and many people welcomed the fact that we had sought to tackle an issue which they felt had in the past often tended to be overlooked in consideration of the educational needs of ethnic minorities. There was a general indication however, especially in the comments we received from individual heads and teachers, that some people felt that we had not dealt with this complex and difficult issue in sufficient depth and had in some respects therefore failed to present convincing and fully substantiated arguments to justify the conclusions we had reached. Some of our readers felt that we had taken our consideration or racism too far, whilst others felt that we

(1) 'The Brixton Disorders' - Report of an Inquiry by the Rt. Hon. the Lord Scarman OBE. Cmnd 8427. HMSO. November 1981.

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had not gone far enough in considering the wide-ranging influence of racism in all its forms and how this should be challenged. From some of the misunderstandings which arose in discussions about our views on what we termed 'unintentional' racism, it seemed in particular that the distinctions which we had sought to draw between this and the more overt manifestations of 'intentional' racism still remained unclear in some people's minds. The following extracts from responses to our interim report illustrate vividly the wide variety of feelings inspired by our comments on racism:

'This (racism) is a very unhelpful term. Unless you are applying it to the extremes of racial prejudice then it has no real meaning ... suffice it to say the Scarman [report] found no evidence of institutional prejudice in Britain. Moreover in my 21 years in the (teaching) profession, spread across five schools and four authorities, I have not met a single teacher who can be described as prejudiced against his or her pupils on the grounds of race. What I have observed, overwhelmingly, is a goodwill and a tolerance towards all children which has never failed to impress me. The English teaching profession has a very pronounced tendency to perceive children as unique individuals-regardless of the colour of their skins.'

'(We are) appalled that without giving details of the supportive evidence, the Committee felt impelled to say "... racism, both intentional and unintentional, has a direct and important bearing on the performance of West Indian children in our schools". We do not deny, however, that schools contain pupils who are growing up in a prejudiced world, or that some teachers may have formed stereotyped ideas of West Indian children and of their abilities which are insensitive. Despite this the vast majority of teachers are determined to combat the prejudices which children may bring to school from outside and which may reflect society's attitudes.'

'The Interim Report rightly calls attention to racism as one of the significant factors bearing on the "achievement" of "West Indian" children. We would go further and suggest that racism, in various forms, exists in our schools, that it affects the development of all our children, and that one of the school's fundamental tasks is to prepare its pupils to live constructively in a multi-racial society ... we ... believe that it is a priority for our schools. We would hope that the Final Report will give an equally central place to an acknowledgement that racism exists and an analysis of how it works and how it affects children

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(white and black) and teachers. It has become conventional (and the Interim Report echoes this tendency) to speak of most racism as "unintentional". However, we believe this is too innocent a description. Racism in fact has many faces - there is semiconscious racism, rationalised racism, covert racism, and many forms of silent collusion. It is important that teachers and heads understand racism in all its depth and complexity, rather than allow themselves to believe simplistically that all racism in schools is "unintentional".'

Our Approach to Racism

1.3 In this chapter we seek not only to take up some of the specific points relating to racism which have been made in evidence to us but also to correct some of the misunderstandings which may have arisen from our interim report. Since the issue of racism is clearly so emotive, in an effort to analyse its causes and effects, we begin by looking at the broad concept of prejudice and then move on to consider the ethnic minority dimension of prejudice - racism - and its influence on the educational experience of both ethnic minority and ethnic majority pupils. In so doing, we attempt to set out our view of how the overall climate of racism which exists in Britain today has arisen and the various ways in which this bears on the lives of all members of this society - thus setting the scene for our consideration, later in this report, of the contribution which we believe the education system can and should make to challenging racism and laying the foundations for the kind of genuinely pluralist society which we envisaged in our opening chapter.

2. The Concept of Prejudice

The Mechanism of Prejudice

2.1 The concept of prejudice - a preconceived opinion or bias for or against someone or something - is a fact of life in this society. We could all be said to have 'prejudices' in the sense of likes and dislikes and these are inevitably determined to a greater or lesser extent by our own upbringing and experiences, by the climate of opinion at the time, and by the facts or at least the version of them, however tenuous, that we receive from 'influential others', be they family, friend, teacher, church leader or the media. Where prejudice, we believe, often goes beyond simple likes and dislikes however is in the very literal sense that something or, more importantly, someone is being prejudged i.e. evaluated on the basis of assumed characteristics in advance, and, by implication, without adequate information on

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which to base a rational judgement. Whereas people's straightforward preferences are generally open to reason and thus to change, if these attitudes have become hardened and more deeply ingrained as 'prejudices' they can be seen as no longer open to question or discussion and thus as rigid, immutable and irreversible. (2) Because prejudice in its very nature overlooks the actual qualities or merits of an individual person, it is often directed against, (and, less frequently, in favour of), groups of people who are assumed to share common attributes and behaviour patterns. Prejudice thus requires that one has formed a stereotype of a particular 'group' of people, be they women drivers, trade unionists or 'immigrants', which then allows one to judge a member of this group, and in particular their actions, according to an established set of expectations. This clearly leaves little room for flexibility in forming opinions of people and even if, on closer acquaintance, a member of a particular group is found not to conform to the code of behaviour expected of him or her, this can all to easily be seen simply as an exception to the rule rather than as a reason to question the validity of the established stereotype of their group. There seem thus to be two factors which are essential for prejudices initially to be formed and subsequently maintained and even reinforced - firstly, ignorance, in the literal sense of lack of knowledge on which to base informed opinions and judgements, and, secondly, the existence and promulgation of stereotypes of particular groups of people as conveyed by the major informers of public opinion most notably the media and the education process.

The Task for Education

2.2 The role of education in relation to prejudice is surely therefore clear - to equip a pupil with knowledge and understanding in place of ignorance and to develop his or her ability to formulate views and attitudes and to assess and judge situations on the basis of this knowledge. In thus encouraging a child to think critically and to make increasingly rational judgements, education should seek to counter any mistaken impressions or inaccurate, hearsay evidence which he or she may have acquired within the family, peer group or, more broadly, from the local community or the media. In seeking to correct misunderstandings, it is however essential that under no circumstances does education become simply a process of

(2) As explained by Professor Michael Banton in his book 'White and Coloured':
'the word 'prejudice' is derived from the Latin 'praejudicium', which meant a precedent, a judgement based on previous decisions and experiences. In English the word carne to mean a prejudgement and it is still sometimes understood in this sense, though it will be clear upon reflection that this is not its normal meaning, for prejudgements are necessary in almost everything we do, whereas no one could claim the same for prejudices. Prejudgements become prejudices only if they are not subject to modification in the light of new experience. One of the major characteristics of prejudice is this mental rigidity which the prejudiced individual maintains by twisting new information to accord with his stereotyped preconceptions.'

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indoctrinating (3) a child into one particular way of thinking as the only 'right and proper' view, since in so doing, his or her capacity to make reasoned and rational judgements may, in effect, again be undermined, by simply replacing one stereotype with another. In this respect we would see it as no more desirable or defensible for the education system to seek to create or perpetuate positive prejudices in favour of a particular group than to countenance negative views.

Negative Prejudice

2.3 From looking at the many forms of prejudice which exist it is clear that one of the major catalysts in a group becoming subject to prejudice is that its members are seen as in some way outside the mainstream of society and aberrant from an accepted code of behaviour. In many respects this perceived 'strangeness' or 'difference', whilst perhaps an inevitable consequence of ignorance, seems to arouse suspicion, hostility and even fear, as constituting an ill-defined threat to the values and traditions of the majority community. Thus negative prejudice - where the members of a particular group are themselves resented or rejected - seems regrettably to be more commonplace than prejudice of a positive nature.

3. The Ethnic Minority Dimension of Prejudice

Ethnic Minorities as Outsiders

3.1 In view of the elements of prejudice which we have identified, it is perhaps inevitable that ethnic minority groups, who are relative newcomers to this country, should find themselves subject to possibly the most insidious and pernicious form of negative prejudice in our society - racism. Although ethnic minority groups are an integral part of this society and indeed almost all the ethnic minority children in this country are now British-born, from the continual references both in evidence to us and more generally, to ethnic minorities as 'immigrants', and 'foreigners', this seems to be far from generally accepted by the majority community. One of the most vivid illustrations of how even long established ethnic minority communities can find themselves still regarded as 'outsiders' is possibly the situation of the 'black' community in Liverpool (and some other seaports in this country such as Cardiff and Bristol) which, although established over several generations, still suffer from extremes of racial prejudice. The prejudice encountered by members of ethnic minority groups can take a range of different forms and may for example manifest itself as linguistic prejudice - against non-English speakers - or religious prejudice - against those whose religion differs from that

(3) By the term 'indoctrination' we have in mind what IA Snook ('Indoctrination and education' (1972) described as:
'(suggesting) that someone is taking advantage of a privileged role to influence those under his charge in a manner which is likely to distort their ability to assess the evidence on its own merits.'

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of the majority community. In addition, where the members of a particular ethnic minority group share an identifiably different skin colour from the majority community this can of course provide one of the most obvious manifestations of 'difference' which can serve as a basis for irrational prejudice. Negative prejudice against ethnic minority groups can however extend beyond the 'colour divide' and may be experienced, albeit to a lesser extent, by the 'white' ethnic minorities in this country - as we explain, later in this report, in our chapters relating to the Italian, Cypriot and Travelling communities.

3.2 On a broader level we feel it is important to bear in mind that the arrival of sizeable and visible ethnic minority communities, especially in some northern industrial centres, coincided with the decline of long established traditional industries and the consequent rising unemployment. It is perhaps understandable that, in the absence of an effective explanation of the background to these developments both in schools and the media, this coincidence was all too readily seen as 'cause and effect' and the 'newcomers' simply blamed, quite unjustly, for the effects of the recession. In these circumstances, growing competition for housing and jobs has created particular tensions which have undoubtedly exacerbated negative prejudices against ethnic minorities.

Stereotyping of Ethnic Minorities

3.3 An equally influential factor in the growth of racial prejudice in this country has been the general lack of knowledge amongst the ethnic majority community of ethnic minority communities which in turn has allowed inaccurate stereotypes to flourish. This ignorance extends to virtually every aspect of the background of ethnic minority communities - their countries of origin, the languages they speak and their religious and cultural traditions. We ourselves have now ceased to be surprised when even in multi-racial areas and schools, pupils and teachers refer to all non-white ethnic minorities collectively as 'Pakis' and to their language as 'Indian' or 'African', or regard the wearing of a turban or not eating meat as simply matters of personal preference, which can be altered by 'gentle persuasion'. We have encountered in the course of our work a vast range of myths and stereotypes of different ethnic minority groups. The most immediately relevant in our context are clearly those which relate to the expectations which the education system appears to have of ethnic minority pupils, such as 'West Indian children will be good at sports but "not academic"'; 'Asian children will be hard working and well motivated but likely to have unrealistically high career aspirations'; 'Chinese children will be reserved, well behaved, and likely to be "under pressure" at home from having to help in the family business in the evenings.'

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3.4 Ethnic minorities also appear to be placed in an 'order of merit' in terms of the groups generally considered most/least desirable to have in a school - teachers, on the one hand, for example, praising Chinese pupils for the lack of trouble they cause and expressing the wish that they could have 'a class full of them', and, on the other hand, explaining that they were 'fortunate' to have only a few West Indian pupils. This situation may be further complicated where stereotypes already exist of particular areas of a town or city which have traditionally been seen as 'depressed' and 'deprived', with all the assumed concomitant educational needs amongst the children, and these stereotypes - which are regrettable in themselves - are simply transferred to recently-established ethnic minority communities living in the same areas, who may in fact have an entirely different set of attitudes and expectations from the local 'white' community.

3.5 Some of the stereotypes of certain ethnic minority groups can be seen as a legacy of history - from the days of the British Empire - and as a consequence of the view of other nations and peoples as in some sense 'inferior', which was until relatively recently promulgated through the curriculum offered by many schools. A striking example of the powerful influence of such stereotypes was the marked difference which we ourselves found between the relative perceptions which some teachers have of the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities. Youngsters from the Greek Cypriot community were generally seen very much in a positive light as enriching the cultural wealth of the classroom whilst those from the Turkish Cypriot community tended to be viewed negatively as potential underachievers and disruptive elements. In discussions with representatives of both communities there was general agreement that the causes for this surprising variation lay firstly in the difference in skin colour - Greek Cypriot children tending to be lighter skinned than their Turkish Cypriot peers, this seemingly being equated, in the minds of some teachers, with greater academic ability - and secondly in the very different historical stereotypes which exist of the Greeks and the Turks - the former being seen as a major influence on the evolution of Western civilisation and culture, and the latter as 'barbarians'.

Influence of the Media

3.6 Much of the responsibility for the creation and continuance of stereotypes of ethnic minority youngsters within the education system can we believe be seen to derive from inadequate or even misleading attempts to explain the background of ethnic minorities which may in fact serve to resurrect and perpetuate inaccurate stereotypes. In discussing stereotypes of ethnic minority communities it is impossible not to take account of the pervasive influence of

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all branches of the media in today's society. A report (4) by a group of teachers in 1983 emphasised the generally negative way in which ethnic minority groups were treated in a range of television programmes and concluded that:

'... there was a distinct under-representation in the selected programmes of the (ethnic minority) groups we studied, with too few positive and realistic images of them made available. There was little suggestion of the part they were playing, or might play, in contemporary society, and such treatment as there was in the selected programmes tended to reinforce stereotypes, or link members of these groups to a problem. In giving insufficient coverage to these groups, television is not only giving a distorted view of the society in which it operates; it is also missing opportunities to provide a richer, more varied coverage of human experience ...'

3.7 A further dimension which we found in our visits to 'all white' areas - which clearly illustrates the irrationality of some aspects of racism - is the confusion which can arise where there are conflicting stereotypes, for example, where youngsters from the majority community may be prejudiced against Asians on the grounds that, on the one hand, 'they all live on Social Security', and on the other, that 'they're all taking our jobs'. Several teachers whom we met felt that such attitudes could only be countered effectively by a balanced and open consideration of the multi-racial nature of society today, throughout the school curriculum so that youngsters were led to hold more rational opinions about ethnic minority communities and adopt a more positive view of today's society. We ourselves believe

(4) 'Popular TV and School Children' The report of a group of teachers. DES. April 1983.

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that the education system can and must playa major part in challenging the stereotyping of ethnic minority communities in order to counter the pervasive influence of racism.

4. The Roots of Racism

Reasons for Migration

4.1 Before considering the influence of racism in practice we believe it is important to look at the particular background factors relating to the original migration of different ethnic minorities to this country and the reactions and responses which the emergence of an increasingly complex multi-racial society has evoked from both the minority and majority communities. In general terms a clear distinction can be drawn between, on the one hand, those communities where the majority of the original immigrants can be seen as refugees from conflict and internal strife in their own countries, and on the other those who chose to migrate to this country for economic betterment, in some cases actively encouraged by the British government or by British employers. In the case of refugees, the initial reaction of the majority community can be seen as welcoming, arising from a genuine desire to aid a group of people under threat, taking pride in the view of Britain as a traditional haven for those in need. Such sentiments seem however in practice often to have been superficial and short-lived since as soon as the refugees ceased to be perceived as a special case and as 'front page news' and attempted to move from their settlement camps into the wider community they were seen simply as 'just more immigrants' in competition with the majority population for jobs and housing. They thus often became increasingly subject to resentment and even open hostility in the form of racism. This was certainly true for the Vietnamese community (whose situation we discuss in Chapter Fourteen) where the initial wave of public goodwill towards the 'boat people' has now been dissipated to a point where reports of racial harassment and attacks on Vietnamese families have sadly become more frequent.

4.2 For those communities who were actively encouraged to come to this country the situation was to some extent comparable to that of refugees: they were initially welcomed, albeit grudgingly, as meeting an economic need and their presence was not resented as a threat to the indigenous work force since the jobs which they were recruited to take were those at the lower end of the employment market which could not be filled from within the majority community who, at a time of economic growth in the 1960s, had many other more attractive avenues of employment open to them. Little if any thought seems however to have been given to the wider social implications of meeting a short term need in this way and it seems to have been

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assumed that the ethnic minority workers would be content to remain in the jobs for which they had been recruited thus constituting an artificial economic sub-class at the traditional working class end of the employment spectrum. Such a view took no account of the pressures for upward social mobility and career advancement amongst the ethnic minority workers themselves nor did it foresee the situation of recent years where the British-born children of the original immigrants quite justifiably expect to find the whole range of career opportunities open to them and are certainly not content merely to 'follow in their father's footsteps'. In the face of such aspirations the majority community seem not only to resent moves by these ethnic minority groups to advance beyond their 'prescribed place' in this society but more recently, with rising unemployment, have come to resist and actively challenge their employment even in the areas of work for which they were originally recruited. It is almost as though having made use of workers who were prepared to work for lower wages and in worse conditions than indigenous workers at a time of apparent prosperity, the time has now come for them to 'go back where they came from' since their services are no longer needed and they are seen as competing for jobs against indigenous workers. The cycle of racism once again is thus brought to bear on ethnic minority groups who originally met with some acceptance here.

Expectations of this Country

4.3 As important, if not more so than the question of how ethnic minority groups were viewed when they came to this country is the variety of expectations which the group themselves had of their likely reception here. Whilst recognising the risks inherent in ascribing views, expectations and aspirations to ethnic minority groups as though they were homogeneous entities, it is possible to discern a variation in how different groups have perceived their position in this country, according to the circumstances of their arrival here. In the case of refugees, two particular factors have clearly been influential - firstly, the option of returning to their countries of origin has generally speaking been unavailable and so they have a particularly strong will to succeed here, and secondly, having found 'sanctuary' here, their will to succeed is tempered somewhat by a wish to conform to society as it is and not therefore to seek to bring about any changes. (Such attitudes are of course less likely to be held by the children of the original refugees who may feel more secure in living in this country as a right rather than as a matter of 'privilege'). On the other hand, those immigrants who came here for economic betterment and to enhance the prospects for their children, came on the understanding that they had every right to come to this country and, once they and their families were established here, they would not only be

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entitled to full equality of opportunity in terms of housing, jobs and education but would also be in a position to seek changes in existing systems and procedures where these took no account of their presence here. When ethnic minority groups actually encounter racism in our society it is clear therefore that, whilst those who have come here as refugees may simply accept this as the price to be paid for being allowed to remain in this country, many will not only be disillusioned and resentful of such a denial of their place here but likely in reaction to become alienated from a society which they see as rejecting them.

The Myth of an Alternative

4.4 With certain groups, perhaps particularly the European minorities such as the Italians (see Chapter Twelve) and the Hong Kong Chinese (see Chapter Ten), their close links with their countries of origin are evidenced by an established pattern of regular visits to see relatives and also a tradition of some children travelling 'home' for part of their education or subsequently to work. Such direct links inevitably serve to reinforce a sense of identity at the individual level and also to heighten the community's awareness of its roots and thus to enhance its sense of self esteem. Of even greater importance however is the point made to us repeatedly by representatives of these ethnic minority groups that retaining such close ties with their countries of origin cushions them in a sense against the harsher realities of life in this country especially the influence of racism, and provides them with an alternative view of themselves and their futures - for example British-born Italian and Chinese youngsters have explained to us that if they are unable to find employment in this country they feel they could always consider seeking their fortunes in their family's countries of origin. The fact that in reality 'return' might be prevented by the immigration rules of the countries of origin, that employment may be no easier to find there and that 'returning' to live in a country may be very different from simply visiting it on holiday, in no way seems to undermine what could be described as the 'myth of an alternative' which to a certain extent can offset or at least distance them from the direct influence of racism.

The Myth of Return

4.5 With some ethnic minority communities, especially some Asian groups, the sense of having an alternative to life in this country has tended to be taken further and constitutes what has been described as a 'myth of return' - many of the original immigrants believed that after a period of work in this country they would return to their countries of origin. Much of the evidence which we have received has suggested that this myth of return may also have helped to sustain these first immigrants in the face of some of the worst manifestations of overt racism. Since the original immigrants have now however become established here, have been joined by their

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families and their children have actually been born here, there seems to have been a weakening of this myth although it still seems to provide a fall back position when faced with extremes of racism.

The Myth of Belonging

4.6 Within the West Indian community ties with the home country seem to be less close than for other ethnic minority groups, despite an undoubted nostalgia for the West Indies amongst the original immigrants and a certain amount of actual return by older immigrants on their retirement. From the evidence we have received it seems that the major reason for this apparent difference in outlook is the extent to which the majority of West Indians originally came to this country believing that they were already British, since, unlike many other immigrants, they spoke English, they were Christian, and they had been brought up in an English style education system which through its curriculum, examinations and teaching methods had imbued them with the British culture and way of life. They therefore came assuming not only that they would be welcomed on equal terms as coming home to the 'mother country' but that their social integration within British society would be a matter of course. On arrival they found their initial 'welcome' at best grudging or even openly hostile and it is hardly surprising that they found the experience traumatic in the extreme. This 'myth of belonging' and the impact of seeing it in effect punctured by the experience of racism has been described graphically in the following terms by a West Indian mother (5):

'Many of us came here with a myth in our minds, the myth of belonging. We have also raised our children to believe that they belong in these societies and cultures (simply because they were born here) only to find that as they grew older, they were seen in the eyes of the host community as a new nation of intruders. Our children are then faced with great traumatic and psychological problems, since they are made to feel that they do not belong here, also they feel that because they were not born in the West Indies they do not belong there either ...'

(5) Extract from a letter published in 'The Caribbean Times', 8 April 1983.

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anxieties, we are concerned about the possible consequences of such an emphasis on the inevitability of racism, seeming in effect to deny the possibility of a West Indian youngster ever succeeding.

4.7 In contrast, it seems that many of the original immigrants from other ethnic minority communities, whilst not being prepared for the degree of antagonism they would face in this country, were not perhaps looking for the same degree of social integration as were West Indians. The major reasons for this difference in outlook can we believe be traced back to the fact that, as we have observed, many of the members of these groups did not necessarily see their long term futures in this country. These communities were also characterised by strong cultural and, more importantly religious traditions which necessitated a degree of separateness, and the existence of strong community ties both here and with the countries of origin, which, combined with a strong extended family system, tended to encourage a sense of self sufficiency and to discourage the development of contacts with the wider community. Members of these groups, unlike West Indians, were more likely to live and work within their own communities and they were therefore in a sense sheltered from the full effects of racism. As the economic situation in this country has worsened, however, the capacity of these communities to remain self contained in this way has been increasingly undermined - for example more Chinese youngsters are now having to enter the mainstream employment market as the traditional Chinese catering trade has come under pressure - and there are increasing numbers of British born youngsters who see themselves as part of the wider community and are not content to see their futures exclusively within the confines of their ethnic community. In recent years communities such as these have come more directly under pressure from racism and in many respects have found themselves subject to some of the worst manifestations of overt racism in the form of harassment and racial attacks. This situation is increasingly leading youngsters from the whole range of ethnic minority groups to share the West Indian community's sense of frustration and scepticism that any meaningful progress will ever be made in combating and overcoming racism in all its forms.

5. Racism in Practice

Research

5.1 Having considered the origins and roots of racism we now turn to racism in practice and in particular the bearing which it may have on the education of ethnic minority pupils. As the authors of the NFER reviews of research point out, comparatively little research has in fact been carried out on teachers' attitudes towards ethnic

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minority pupils or on the more controversial question of the extent to which a teacher's expectations of a pupil can directly affect that pupil's achievement or behaviour. They were nevertheless able to cite a number of studies, albeit some rather limited in scale, which have been undertaken on the existence of teacher stereotypes, in both Britain and the United States, going back as far as Rosenthal and Jacobson's famous study in 1968 'Pygmalion in the Classroom'. The other main research studies identified by the NFER can be summarised as follows:

- Townsend and Brittan's survey (1972) (6) reported that a majority of the secondary heads involved commented favourably on the manners, courtesy, keenness to learn and industrious application of the Indian and Pakistani pupils.

- Brittan's study (1976) (7) revealed a high degree of consensus of opinion concerning the academic and social behaviour of pupils of West Indian origin, with more than two-thirds of the teachers in the sample indicating unfavourable opinions of West Indians.

- Stewart's study (1978) (8) showed the teachers interviewed as having a positive stereotype of the Asian pupil as industrious, responsible, keen to learn and having none of the behaviour problems associated with West Indian pupils.

- Tomlinson's study (1979) (9) showed that the heads interviewed were more likely to respond at length about West Indian pupils and to have generalised views about them than in the case of Asian pupils. The heads expressed strong feelings that the learning process was slower for West Indian pupils, that they lacked long term concentration and that they would tend to underachieve and be remedial.

(6) 'Organisation in Multiracial Schools' HER Townsend and EM Brittan. NFER. 1972.

(7) 'Multiracial Education - Teacher Opinion on Aspects of School Life', E M Brittan. Educ Research 18.3. 1976.

(8) 'The role of ethnicity in teachers' accounts of their interaction with pupils in multicultural classrooms,' OF Stewart. Unpublished MSc. University of Aston. 1978.

(9) 'Decision making in Special Education ESN(M) with some reference to children of immigrant parentage.' S Tomlinson. Unpublished PhD thesis. University of Warwick. 1979.

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5.2 The paucity of research data in this field seems to result not from any lack of interest on the part of the research community although race-related issues have often in the past been regarded as the preserve of sociological rather than educational researchers but rather from the daunting problems of attempting to investigate whether teachers' attitudes towards ethnic minority pupils may, however unintentionally, be influenced by racism. Also, as the authors of the second NFER review of research have explained:

'Apart from the difficulties of obtaining permission to carry out research into prejudice it is quite likely that an awareness on the part of those being researched of the nature of the research will distort findings. There is, moreover, the question of criteria of judgement of prejudice, especially when this is not tested by some supposedly calibrated measuring instrument, but depends, as much anecdotal evidence of racism must do, on the perceptions of the observer.'

'... redressed the balance of previous research by shifting the focus from the child who has been seen at the centre of the 'problem' of his 'underachievement' and the consequent emphasis placed on his inter-ethnic attitudes, with the corresponding lack of stress on studies of teachers, ethnocentricism, because of professional sensitivity, to a proper consideration of the relationships which obtain between teachers and pupils.'

(10) 'Teachers' influence on the self concept of pupils of different ethnic origins'. PA Green. Unpublished PhD thesis. 1983.

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'... the tendency to consider the characteristics and attributes of ethnic groups other than one's own to be inferior.'

'children of different ethnic origins, taught in the same multi-ethnic class by the same teacher, are likely to receive widely different educational experiences.'

5.4 In our interim report we explained that we believed there to be two rather different forms which racism could take in our society on the one hand, overt and intentional racism, and on the other, covert and unintentional racism. We stressed that in the educational context it was the latter - unintentional racism - which caused us the greatest concern. From the further work we have done since the preparation of our interim report we find ourselves all the more convinced of the major role which the particular expectations and attitudes which many teachers have, not only of West Indian pupils but indeed of pupils from the whole range of ethnic minority groups,

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can and do play in the educational experience and perhaps the academic achievement of these pupils. We believe that if teachers allow themselves to be influenced by, and even to perpetuate, stereotypes of different ethnic minority groups, their ability to educate an individual pupil from such a group according to his or her actual 'age, aptitude and ability' may, however unwittingly, be undermined and it can become all too easy to ascribe the pupil's behaviour or performance to the assumed stereotype rather than to exercise professional judgement. As we have already indicated, research findings and our own evidence have indicated that the stereotypes teachers tend to have of West Indian children are often related directly to a particular, and generally negative, expectation of academic performance. By contrast, although there seems to be a more generally positive educational stereotype of Asian pupils, they may be subject to racism in more direct and overt ways. The fear or indeed the actual experience of racial harassment and attack may also have an indirect bearing on the motivation and achievement of an Asian pupil. Racism, both intentional and unintentional, can we believe also influence negatively the educational experience of pupils from other ethnic minority groups as we discuss later in this report. A Chinese pupil for example, who is sitting at the back of the class, not taking an active part in the lesson, may be seen simply as conforming to the stereotype of his group - as 'reserved and well behaved' - rather than this behaviour being interpreted, as it would be with an indigenous pupil, as showing that he or she might be in difficulties with the work and therefore need some extra attention and encouragement.

'Colour Blindness'

5.5 As we explained in the section on racism in our interim report:

'... many of the teachers to whom we spoke on our visits were at pains to assert that they deliberately made no distinction between 'black' pupils and others: they were 'colour-blind'. In this way, they claimed to fulfil the first duty of a teacher which they saw as regarding all pupils equally, as having particular strengths and weaknesses, and individual educational needs.'

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a straightforward rejection of people with a different skin colour since both types of attitude seek to deny the validity of an important aspect of a person's identity. This concern was shared by many of those who gave evidence to us, amongst them the head of a multi-racial school who reflected thus:

'It is interesting to record that the reaction of teachers ... was to aver that all pupils in the school were treated alike and to deny that any distinction is made between their cultural differences. Sadly, this initial reaction, if perpetuated, could deny the school the opportunity of developing potentially rich cultural resources. In such an event there would be a real danger that, through a determination not to discriminate ("discriminate" in the sense of recognising differences), the school would in time become culturally impoverished.'

'God is colour-blind', I once saw on a wayside pulpit in Liverpool. But as is the habit of such religious graffiti, it was wrong. The God who made the rainbow and who made the whole kaleidoscope of creation, culminating in men and women of such rich variety - it is not He who is colour-blind but we who find life easier to cope with if we treat it as monochrome.'

5.6 In recent years there has been a growing tendency to suggest that racism is in some way unique to the 'white' majority and to this country. On the latter point, we believe that racism cannot be seen as a uniquely British phenomenon in view of the inter-racial prejudices which clearly exist in other countries, for example in America (against Blacks), in France (against North Africans) and in West Germany (against Turkish Guest Workers). We also believe that to describe racism simply as a 'white' problem is similarly misconceived. Feelings of negative prejudice against ethnic groups other than one's own can be found both within and between minority communities as well as between minority and majority groups, although this in no way of course excuses or justifies the attitudes of some members of the majority community in this country towards ethnic minorities. In the course of our own work we have come across a number of instances of racist attitudes between ethnic minority groups, for example the attitudes of Chinese and Vietnamese pupils towards 'black' children, the animosity of certain Asian groups towards other ethnic minority communities, conflicts between

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African and West Indian pupils and instances of West Indian youngsters becoming involved alongside their white school fellows in actual racial attacks on Asians. It has been suggested to use that such prejudices as exist within and between ethnic minority groups are not truly comparable with prejudices between the majority and minority communities since even if members of a particular ethnic minority group are prejudiced against another group they are extremely unlikely to be in a position to put their prejudice into practice in such a way as to have a detrimental effect on members of the other group. Since, on straightforward numerical grounds alone, it is only the 'white' majority which has the power to give expression to its prejudices by using its inherent dominance of all walks of life to deny opportunity and access to other minority communities, 'white racism' is considered to be the only area to be tackled. We firmly believe however that all forms of prejudice against groups of people on racial grounds are wrong - as Lord Scarman put it in his report:

'Pride in being Black is one thing, but black racialism is no more acceptable than white. A vigorous rejection of discriminatory and racialist views is as important among black people as among white if social harmony is to be ensured.'

5.7 Reference to the role of power in racism leads us directly on to a dimension of the influence of racism within our society - what has generally come to be referred to as 'institutional' racism. As with so many other terms within our field of interest, we believe that this term is used by different people to cover a range of circumstances and, being thus ill-defined, discussion of the extent of its influence and indeed even its existence is often both confused and confusing. We see institutional racism as describing the way in which a range of long established systems, practices and procedures, both within education and the wider society, which were originally conceived and devised to meet the needs and aspirations of a relatively homogeneous society, can now be seen not only to fail to take account of the multi-racial nature of Britain today but may also ignore or even actively work against the interests of ethnic minority communities. The kind of practices about which we are concerned include many which, whilst clearly originally well-intentioned and in no way racist in intent, can now be seen as racist in effect, in depriving members of ethnic minority groups of equality of access to the full range of opportunities which the majority community can take for granted or denying their right to have a say in the future of the society of which they are an integral part. These include, for example, the provision of separate language centres for children whose first

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language is not English (see Chapter Seven), and the arrangements for the appointment of members to governing bodies of schools and other institutions which take no account of the changed and changing nature of the local population. Institutional racism can thus we believe be seen as visibly demonstrating the extent to which our society has continued to define itself according to criteria prescribed to meet the needs of a homogeneous whole, and which inevitably does not recognise and therefore cannot take account of the far more complex network of aims and aspirations present in Britain today.

5.8 We believe that institutional racism is just as much a cause for concern as the prejudiced attitudes which some individuals may hold since the establishment, in this way, of racism within the 'system' itself can serve to reinforce, to magnify and to perpetuate such attitudes even where individual attitudes may be open to change. It is, for example, harder to convince individuals of the damaging effects which their actions may have on particular groups of children if they can argue that they are simply 'following the normal procedure' and therefore cannot in any way be said to be prejudiced against a particular group. A complex inter-relationship thus exists between individual attitudes and the influence of institutionalised practices and procedures. It is undeniably true that both long established practices and procedures which are seen as following the traditional 'way things are done here', and the conventional policy making processes and power structures of institutions can all too often override individual attitudes, which may be submerged in simply 'running the system'. Similarly however it must be recognised that institutionalised forms are themselves in no small measure sustained by attitudes. The extent to which changing the attitudes of individuals can directly influence the way in which established procedures, systems and institutions function is thus difficult to assess and some people have argued that change can only be brought about through legislation or the revision of traditional 'rules and regulations' which in turn requires individuals to appraise and where necessary revise their behaviour accordingly. Whilst a realisation amongst the staff of an institution that the policies which they are following may work against some members of our society may lead them to question and even actively challenge and seek to change the rules which govern their institution, in order to effect change in a more rapid and direct way it may nevertheless be necessary to prescribe institutional change from the 'top' downwards in order to complement and foster any such shift in grass roots opinion. We believe that institutional change of this kind and changing individual attitudes are of equal importance and have complementary roles to play in achieving the overall shift in emphasis and outlook which we believe to be essential in relation to today's multi-racial society.

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5.9 Within the education system, power is of course exercised at many different levels from the Secretary of State to the major national academic institutions and the individual teacher or parent. It is important to recognise therefore that, in overcoming institutional racism, different approaches and emphases may be more appropriate than others for different types of educational institution. For example in a primary school, with fewer staff and and more informal ethos and flexible style of work, the emphasis might best be on encouraging individual teachers to review their own attitudes and practices and thus to effect any necessary changes themselves. In a large secondary school, however, with its compartmentalised curricular organisation and its clearly defined tiers of responsibility, in a local education authority with its complex bureaucracy or a university with its long established traditions, a more determined effort may need to be made to revise and restructure the actual systems in order for there to be any hope of the policies pursued offering true equality of opportunity.

Climate of Racism

5.10 In considering the influence which racism whether intentional or unintentional can have on the education process we feel that it is essential to recognise the very direct and acute bearing which the general 'climate' of racism in this country has on what takes place in the school classroom. By this we mean the way in which the confidence of ethnic minority groups to see themselves as an integral part of our society and thus as having equal claim to shaping their own futures within it, has been undermined and to some extent lost entirely. The extent of racial disadvantage in this country has of course been well documented in a number of studies of recent years - for example the Policy Studies Institute's seminal studies on Racial Disadvantage (11) surveyed the position of ethnic minority groups in fields such as housing, social services and employment. The continuing influence of racism in the employment field has also been documented in the report Half a chance (12) and the influence of racism in relation to housing in a multi-racial area in a report (13) published last year - both by the Commission for Racial Equality. There are two other aspects of the pressures to which ethnic minority communities find themselves subject, which have been raised repeatedly with us by parents and young people, particularly from the Asian community, and which have undoubtedly contributed greatly to the overall climate of racism: the fear of radical harassment and attack, and the uncertainty created by the policies of successive

(11) 'Racial Discrimination in England,' WW Daniel. Penguin 1968; 'Racial Disadvantage in Britain.' David J Smith. Penguin 1977; 'Black and White Britain,' Colin Brown. PSI 1984.

(12) 'A report on job discrimination against young blacks in Nottingham.' CRE November 1980.

(13) 'Race and Council Housing in Hackney - Report of a Formal Investigation into the allocation of housing in the London Borough of Hackney.' CRE January 1984.

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governments on immigration and nationality. On the latter issue we believe that it is deplorable that children who have been born in this country or whose families have chosen to make their homes here should be made to feel that they are not accepted in their own right and have no role to play in the future of this country.

Immigration and Nationality

Those ethnic minority groups who have more recently settled here, now, through no fault of their own, find their position questioned and indeed in their eyes under threat and their very peace of mind disrupted by the prevailing climate of uncertainty. (We review the development of government policies in relation to immigration and nationality in Chapter Four, see paragraphs 3.3.18 to 3.3.21.)

Racial Attacks

5.11 A considerable amount of attention has been devoted over recent years to the issue of racial attacks culminating in the publication, in 1981, of a report by a Home Office Study Group investigating this situation. (14) The Group offered the following vivid portrait of the situation which they found:

'The views expressed by ethnic minority representatives about racial attacks reflected a general feeling of fear and apprehension for the future. In all the places we visited, we were given accounts of racial violence, abuse and harassment ... Assaults, jostling in the streets, abusive remarks, broken windows, slogans daubed on walls - these were among the less serious kinds of racial harassment which many members of the ethnic minorities (particularly Asians) experience, sometimes on repeated occasions. The fact that they are interleaved with far more serious racially-motivated offences (murders, serious assaults, systematic attacks by gangs on people's homes at night) increases the feeling of fear experienced by the ethnic minorities. It was clear to us that the Asian community widely believes that is is the object of a campaign of unremitting racial harassment which it fears will grow worse in the future. In many places we were told that Asian families were too frightened to leave their homes at night or to visit the main shopping centre in town at weekends when gangs of young skinheads regularly congregate. Even in places where comparatively few racial incidents have occurred, the awareness of what is happening in other parts of the country induces a widespread apprehension that the climate locally is likely to deteriorate and that more serious incidents are likely in the future. In some places there was a sense of uncomplaining acceptance among some Asians to manifestations of racial violence: the problem was thought to be so widespread that they regarded it as little more than an unwelcome feature of contemporary British life.'

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The Study Group drew three main conclusions from their investigations:

'(there was) a significantly high number of racially motivated attacks on persons and property by one ethnic group on another ... compared with white people, both blacks and Asians suffer disproportionately from racially motivated attacks, and the Asians worst of all ... the absolute number of racial attacks appears to have increased.'

'... a matter of fact not of opinion.'

5.12 The Home Office Study Group also raised an issue to which we have already referred (see paragraph 3.6 and Annex A to this Chapter) - the role of the media - as follows:

'The Study Group were also persuaded that the media - newspapers and broadcasting - played a powerful role in shaping people's perceptions of the problem. This is particularly true of reports in many local newspapers which appear to sensationalise apparently racial incidents. But it is also true nationally since, as close-knit communities, ethnic minorities are very conscious of what happens elsewhere in the country. Attacks on Asians in one place can cause great concern in Asian communities elsewhere; similarly the response of the police in one area can directly affect the ethnic minority view of the local police several hundred miles away. A single television interview with a prominent public figure who puts forward a view which appears hostile to the ethnic minority communities can, in its impact, be out of proportion to its significance, and can unreasonably create the impression that that view is held by the authorities generally.'

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Relationship with the Police

Whilst it refers primarily to the situation of the Asian community, the above quotation draws attention to the relationship between the police and ethnic minority communities generally. This is an issue which has and continues to be an area of public concern and debate in relation particularly to the West Indian community, and was of course central to the Scarman report. Here again the essential element seems to us to be not so much the actual facts of the situation, although there is considerable evidence in some cases to justify communities' concerns, but equally the wide gulf in trust and understanding which exists between ethnic minority communities and 'establishment figures' which is itself symptomatic of the overall climate of racism which we believe exists.

Inter-racial Tension

5.13 We believe that this climate of racism can impinge on an individual school in a range of different ways. The impact of racism on ethnic minority pupils may be particularly strong when they are present in relatively small numbers in schools and are thus less able to be mutually supportive in the face of racial abuse. This point was brought out in the following terms in evidence we received from a Community Relations Council:

'Direct Racism is tragically too common in this area. Rarely a week passes without at least one case being reported to this Council ... it is no exaggeration to state that for some young Asian people particularly, being racially harassed is a way of life. This ranges from direct violence upon the person to verbal abuse and threats. They are daily confronted with racist graffiti in and out of school premises, which remain for months and, in some cases, years. The situation for those pupils in schools with 1-5 per cent black students is unenviable. Their isolation makes them particularly vulnerable ... The unwillingness of schools to tackle the issues, the graffiti remaining unchallenged, the insistence of some teaching staff on regarding the attacks as 'part of the rough and tumble of youngsters round here' and that 'boys will be boys' all encourage a climate where racism is acceptable.'

This broader and immediate impact of racism on schools is illustrated by the following extract from a report prepared by the head of a multi-racial school we visited where the influence of 'National Front style extremists' was particularly pronounced:

'We have over the past 7/8 months had an increase in tension 'from the outside.' Examples of this are:

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a. invasion of a summer leavers' disco by outsiders, some ex-pupils. It was not quite clear how far this had racial overtones. It led to 'gate' trouble after school on several days thereafter.

b. intruders (youths, some ex-pupils) coming on to the premises during the school day. Again it is not clear how far there are racial overtones.

c. at least 3 instances of unprovoked attacks by 'outsiders' on coloured pupils who were members of official school visits to places in the Borough.

d. one serious attack by 'outsiders' on coloured pupils playing table tennis in a school hall just after school.

e. many instances of 'outsiders' congregating at the gate at about the end of afternoon school with definite anti-coloured actions, some physical. On at least one occasion this involved youths armed with sticks.

f. several attacks on coloured youngsters outside the school after normal school hours.'

5.14 A disturbing picture of the way in which a school may appear to be entirely oblivious to the impact of racism on the day to day experiences of an ethnic minority pupil is portrayed in the following extract from an essay written for us by an Asian fifth former:

'... I attended a middle school where approximately 90 per cent of the pupils were white. The results of this situation were terrifying. The group of black children were bussed to the school and then isolated from their neighbourhood. At home they were again isolated from any school contacts. During the four years I spent in that school, not one person attended any after-school activities for fear of walking through the neighbourhood where about ninety-two per cent of the population were white. It would be literally true to say that there was a physical barrier between our homes and our school and the only way in or out was on the coach. At school the situation was the same. The Asians were constantly in fear of being attacked by the several gangs of white boys. As we ran towards the staff room a teacher would come out and disperse the white gang, throw us back into the playground and then walk back in as if nothing had happened. The teachers had no idea of what we were experiencing.'

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The Role of the School

If in the face of such forms of racism, or indeed in the face of ignorance and inaccurate statements about ethnic minorities, the school seeks simply to remain neutral and uninvolved we would see this as not only a failure in terms of its educational responsibilities but also as in effect condoning and thereby encouraging the persistence of such occurrences. Certainly it is difficult for ethnic minority communities to have full confidence and trust in an institution which they see as simply ignoring or dismissing what is in fact an ever present and all pervasive shadow over their everyday lives.

Racist Name-Calling

5.15 One particular manifestation of racism within schools on which we have received a considerable amount of evidence is racist name-calling. Some teachers have argued that this is no different from the normal name-calling in which even young children may indulge and which is entirely harmless both in intent and long-term effect. On the other hand many ethnic minority representatives, including some older ethnic minority pupils, have stressed to us the very damaging effects which they believe being subject to racist abuse can have on the self-image and motivation of an ethnic minority pupil - as one Asian mother put it to us:

'These remarks can be very traumatic and hurtful to young children who often come home very upset by this. One tries to forget it and hope it will die down, but all too often the same thing recurs. School authorities try to play it down so as to keep the school atmosphere calm. However, this does not resolve the hurt that registers very forcefully in a young child's mind'.

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'All-White' Schools

5.16 Whilst most people would accept that there may be a degree of inter-racial tension between groups in schools with substantial ethnic minority populations, it might generally be felt that racist attitudes and behaviour would be less common in schools with few or no ethnic minority pupils. As we go on to discuss later in this report we believe this is regrettably far from the case - see for example the findings of the study carried out in 'all-white' schools - detailed in Chapter Five - which illustrates very clearly the points which we have made in this chapter about the pervasive influence of racism which, through ignorance and ill-informed stereotyping and the negative influence of the media, has a quite definite effect on the attitudes of youngsters in these areas. Even though the opportunities for these attitudes being put into practice may be limited, as we have already pointed out the very existence of such attitudes, with, in most cases, little real attempt being made by schools either to challenge or counteract them, can of itself contribute to the overall climate of racism.

6. Conclusion

6.1 We believe that racism is an insidious evil which, for the sake of the future unity and stability of our society, must be countered. A clear distinction can be drawn between what can be seen as 'individual' racism and the broader and more pervasive 'climate' of racism and within that the way institutions and established practices and procedures may serve to reinforce, perpetuate and extend this. Racism, in all these forms, however needs to be tackled, we believe, in the interests of our community as a whole, since it damages not only the groups seen and treated as in some way inferior or manipulable, but also the more powerful groups in that it feeds them with a totally false sense of superiority and thus distorts their understanding of themselves and the world around them. All members of a racist society suffer from feelings of fear and insecurity and, as we have seen, it takes little to fan the flames of suspicion and mistrust into open hatred and violence.

6.2 We believe that for schools to allow racist attitudes to persist unchecked in fact constitutes a fundamental mis-education for their pupils. All youngsters need to be provided with the necessary knowledge and the ability for reasoned and rational thought and judgement. Whilst schools may not therefore be able to lead change directly they should be capable of leading to change by creating an overall unity of purpose which will encompass the concept that to be British you do not have to have a white skin nor to have family origins only in this country.

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6.3 We are convinced that the policies we put forward in this report will, if put into practice, mark a major change in the way in which ethnic minorities are perceived and perceive themselves in relation to the education system. Much of what we recommend will require a fundamental shift in attitude and, as we acknowledged in our interim report, which also focused on the need for attitude change, this will involve expenditure in 'psychological' terms over and above the direct financial outlay needed. Quite apart from any specific recommendations which we offer, we sincerely hope that a full and careful reading of this report as a whole will contribute to a greater understanding of the issues involved in considering an education appropriate to today's multi-racial society and which will help to lay the foundations for a genuinely pluralist society in the future.

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The use of the broad term 'the media' in this paper applies to both the press and broadcasting.

The question is often asked as to the extent to which the media foster, reinforce or counteract attitudes in the field of race relations. This is a complex question to which the literature offers no conclusive answers. At one level it can be shown, for example, that the views of most American adults about Russia are derived from newspapers, radio and television (Mackinnon and Centers, 1958). But from which sources are the views of the mass media derived? From government sources or from the people themselves? The process of cause and effect is extremely difficult to unravel.

Some studies in America have shown that the mass media may influence racialist attitudes (or reinforce and thus strengthen existing attitudes) on relatively non-controversial issues (Colfax and Steinberg, 1972; Johnson et al 1971). It is probably fair to say that the less controversial the issue, and the more there is some consensus in society in that issue, the more likely if is that the mass media will support, and reinforce such racial attitudes. Again, cause and effect are interwoven.

Rose and his associates (1969), reviewing race relations in Britain, commented that:

'The role of the press and of the broadcasting authorities ... can be crucial. In the last five years immigration and race relations have rivalled almost any other subject except natural disasters for prominence in newspapers and on television. They have an irresistible appeal for news and features editors and for those who produce discussion programmes. They bulk largely in the cockpit of the correspondence columns, especially in local newspapers. Whenever a politician speaks on the subject he knows that he will almost certainly be reported; some do not even trouble to speak: they pick up the telephone and dictate a statement to the Press Association'.

A number of writers have stressed that the press has no desire or impetus to engage in campaigning on issues which do not reflect the interests of, or the wishes of, their readers. Newspapers are entrepreneurial institutions which depend for their survival on the goodwill of their readers and advertisers. Writing about American communities Breed (1964) suggests that the press maintains socio-cultural consensus and therefore protects the existing power and class structure. Other studies support this view (Olien et aI, 1968). Similarly, opinions prevail that television is biased in favour of the existing power structure of society.

There is also evidence that the press can foster and support alarmist views about ethnic minorities. In such situations the press is again probably merely reflecting the views of dominant power groups. Examples of this kind of effect were given to the International Seminar on the Press in Davao City, Philippines, in April 1969. A number of papers were presented which indicated that partial, emotive or inaccurate reports had helped to make existing racial tensions worse. Evidence was given on American riots, on Malay-Chinese riots in Kuala Lumpur, on Sinhalese-Tamil riots in Ceylon and on Hindu-Moslem conflicts in India. (A minor skirmish took place outside a Hindu temple in Ahmedabad. The next day Indian language newspapers carried headlines with emotive content such as 'Fanatics attack Jagannath temple'. Other newspapers also inflated the incident.)

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A detailed content analysis of press and television reporting of a British demonstration against the Vietnam war has been made by Halloran and his colleagues (1970). A large but overwhelmingly peaceful demonstration in London in October 1968 was treated by the press in terms of a basic issue - that of violence and threat to public order. This treatment served to distort news, since all events were analysed and reported to the extent which they fitted the media's conceptual framework of this issue.

A study by Hartmann and Husband (1970) argues that the British mass media, including television, handle race relations material in a way that both perpetuates negative perceptions of blacks and also defines the race relations situation as one of inter-group conflict. A test of a hypothesis about the possible effect of the media on the attitudes of 208 teenagers was made by comparing attitudes of youngsters with varying degrees of contact with New Commonwealth immigrants. Significantly more youngsters in low contact areas cited media sources for their information about black people than those in high contact areas, where information was more likely to be based on personal contact. Moreover, teenagers who cited conflict themes (when questioned about their knowledge of black people in Britain) were significantly more likely to cite the media as a source of information. Conflict themes were much more often mentioned by young people in low contact areas. There is an obvious inference from these findings that teenagers who rely on the mass media for their information about New Commonwealth people have to some extent internalised the image of New Commonwealth people presented to them by these media.

A detailed content analysis of the treatment of race over the period 1963 to 1970 in four British national newspapers - The Times, The Guardian, Daily Express and Daily Mirror - was undertaken by Hartmann and Husband (1974). The researchers found that the four papers proved to be similar in the kind of subject matter they carried. The kinds of news concerning race relations which these four papers thought was worth printing, and the amount of space they gave to different kinds of material turned out to be very similar indeed. The amount of race related material appearing in the press increased over the period of analysis. According to the researchers, this was due entirely to an increase in material about the British situation, for which there was nearly twice as much in the second half of the period as in the first. This indicates that with the increased number of Blacks press attention to race relations increased. It is difficult to explain the increasing attention in terms of 'more black people make more black news'. It is interesting to point out that issues of black people's housing, education and employment did not receive increased attention by the press. Rather the emphasis was on salient questions such as immigration, inter-group hostility, the relationships between white and black, the views of Enoch Powell and so on. The researchers analysed the material and found that 39 per cent was signalled as race related by words such as race, colour, immigrant, Negroes in the headlines; 10 per cent of headings contained words like murder, kill, shoot or burn; 12 per cent included words like hate, crisis, row, clash and threat, showing conflict and disagreement; 6 per cent of headlines contained restrictive words like stop, curb, out, ban and bar.

Rex (1970 and 1972) argues that the mass media, including the press, reinforce existing cultural stereotypes about ethnic minorities. Thus 'stories' which represent blacks and Asians as stupid or unclean are seized upon and exaggerated, while events which represent minorities in ways contrary to popular stereotypes are played down. The same process has operated in the treatment by American mass media of minorities (Ehrlich, 1973).

Influence of the press on attitudes

The literature shows that there may be three complementary models which can account for the connections between mass media and racial attitudes and actions, First, the primary influence of the press is to act as a support for opinions which already exist in the general population probably in a semi-articulated way. The press operates to articulate, legitimise and support the opinions held by the large majority of their readers. Second, the press conforms to its own stereotype of how news in the particular field should be handled (a number of studies provide evidence for this view - e.g. Halloran et al, Hartmann and Husband). This conception may distort news of events and is likely to be a negative one.

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The third model is one in which the press plays a role in supporting or initiating social movement. ' The massive anxiety in the host community over the entry of British Asians is an example.

In our empirical studies we were concerned with aspects of the first model. The hypotheses derived from this model are:

a. The press can most easily influence attitudes in race relations by influencing attitudes in the direction in which they are already well advanced. For example, if the majority of the population hold racially prejudiced attitudes, the press can be successful in making people more prejudiced, but it is unlikely to be able to make people less prejudiced.

b. Press attitudes to specific issues reflect the underlying attitudes of the public; press attitudes serve to reinforce and strengthen public attitudes in this sphere, and increase their intensity.

Racial attitudes and the press

It is true, of course, that attitudes and ways of communicating are affected to a great extent by what is seen, heard, read and assimilated from the individual's environment. Young children in particular are more susceptible to these outside factors. Unfortunately, the impression of non-western cultures portrayed by the media is often unfavourable. Our experience based on interviews with children suggests that the negative description by the media of ethnic minorities contributes to the low self-esteem of the minority-culture child. Such children and their parents may also obtain a view of British life as a permissive society, In such circumstances children overestimate the degree of 'freedom' enjoyed by their contemporaries, and this stiffens the resolve of their parents to adhere to their standards and expectations. Thus, inter-generational conflict is heightened.

Data from a random sample survey of 2,490 individuals living in five English boroughs with an average proportion of black people (Lambeth, Ealing, Wolverhampton, Nottingham, Bradford) have been analysed to indicate the prevalence of prejudiced attitudes, the kinds of sources which those sampled use for information on race relations and the extent to which prejudiced people say that they obtain information about race relations from the press. The results showed that nearly half of the population sampled manifested a marked degree of prejudice, and only 14 per cent of the population sampled did not manifest prejudiced attitudes (Bagley, 1970).

The researcher posed the following questions: to what extent do the members of the population sampled use the press as a source of information about black people; to what extent are individuals using various sources of information prejudiced, and to what extent are various institutions, including mass media, seen as favourable to black people?

Analysis of the data showed that the large majority of respondents obtained their information from more than one source. The most frequently cited source of information was 'personal contact' with black people (54 per cent). 34 per cent of the respondents said that they used the press as a source of such information. The tabulation of the percentage of those prejudiced against sources of information suggested that significantly fewer of those who got information about black people from personal contact or from the radio were prejudiced than the remainder of the individuals in the sample. The number of respondents who obtained their information from the press alone was small (n=127). 70 of these individuals (55 per cent) had prejudiced scores above the median level.

The conclusions drawn by the researcher are that a third of the population in the areas surveyed obtained information about New Commonwealth people from the press; 46 per cent of those individuals were prejudiced. This percentage is close to the prejudice in the population as a whole. However, individuals who rely on the press alone as a source of information are significantly more prejudiced than the rest of the population. This does not, of course, logically imply

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any causal link between readership of the press and prejudice. Both the local and the national press are seen as holding favourable attitudes to black people by a little under 40 per cent of respondents. Some 14 per cent see the local and national press as being hostile to black people.

Bagley (1973) conducted an analysis of the content of all reports in the provincial press in Britain published in the first four months of 1968. It was in the middle of this period that Powell's first major speech on race was made, and he attempted to assess the impact of this on newspapers' attitudes in race relations by comparing three periods - before the Powell speech, immediately after the Powell speech and some months after the speech.

By utilising rigorous methods of analysis the researcher classified 2,235 reports on race relations which appeared in some 200 British provincial newspapers in January, February, March and April 1968. The selection of material was made by the staff of a press cuttings agency.

The main issues in race relations which occupied the press during the four months were; in January, the problems of illegal entry; in February, the entry of East African Asians, and the government bill to restrict their entry; the announcement of the forthcoming Race Relations Act; Wolverhampton's ban on turbaned Sikhs on their corporation buses; the black power movement, and Powell's first major speech on immigration. In March the press were concerned mainly with the passage of the Race Relations Act, and the establishment of community relations officers, while in April the main issues were the debate on the Race Relations Bill, and Powell's second major speech on 20 April 1968.

The classification of the press cuttings indicated that the most hostile area was crime, and the next most hostile area was those reports which concerned Powell's speeches. The areas where the press reports were least hostile were concerned with the personal activities of immigrants, employment, housing and education.

Letters to the editor were markedly more hostile than either editorials or articles written by regular contributors. The majority of the letters (64 per cent) were either critical of, or hostile to, blacks and Asians. Letters on the general area of race relations were definitely more favourable than letters on the Kenyan Asian issue.

A classification of individual newspapers indicated that the most unfavourable or hostile newspapers (to black immigrants) were the Preston Lancashire Evening Post, the Portsmouth Evening News, the Oldham Chronicle, the Manchester Evening News, the South London Press, the Coventry Evening Telegraph and the Middlesbrough Evening Gazette. The papers with the highest proportion of 'favourable' reports were the Darlington Northern Echo (50 per cent) and the Kensington Post (52 per cent).

It is interesting to mention that the amount of negative items reported in the press increased quite markedly from January to February as the number of press reports on race relations increased. The researcher concluded that the reason for this increase could be attributed to the press reactions in February to Powell's first major speech on 9 February, and the actions and debates resulting from it. The level of hostility to coloured people was largely maintained in press reports of November of the same year.

One important way in which the provincial press conveys opinion in the race relations field is by printing readers' letters. The bulk of these letters - both those received and those printed were hostile to coloured immigrants.

An interesting example of how the press can create race relations 'news' out of nothing has been provided by reports in national newspapers about the action of the Race Relations Board (Race Relations Bulletin, 1970). In April 1970, Gentleshaw and Cannock Wood Women's Institute entered a local talent competition and chose to sing an old fashioned song called 'Ten Little Nigger Boys'. However they had second thoughts, believing that the title might offend some people, so changed the words to 'Ten Little Golliwogs' instead. The day afterwards a journalist rang the chairman of the West Midlands branch of the Race Relations Board and asked his personal view on the substitution. The spokesman said he thought either words would offend some people. Next day, the Daily Telegraph ran a story under the headline, 'Race Board ban Women's Institute's Ten Little Nigger Boys'. The Leicester Mercury headline declared, 'Race Relations Board rebuke of some Women's Institute Singers'. The Birmingham Post carried the

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opinion of a politician that 'the decision was pettifogging interference with ordinary pleasures of decent people'.

The Race Relations Board itself had no power to ban anything, and it had no formal complaint about the song whatever, nor had it contacted any of the parties involved. The initiative in the case, and the distortion involved, was entirely journalistic. Indeed, a week later, the President of the Woman's Institute involved wrote to the Birmingham Post that 'The Race Relations Board did not in any way interfere with our singing "Ten Little Nigger Boys". They did not even know about it then'.

The chairman of the Race Relations Board commented on this matter that a period of positive neglect by the mass media of the more lurid aspects of race relations would be helpful.

The brief review of the literature suggests that the press may have a profound effect in the sphere of race relations. The influence that it has had has been largely negative, and has been related to the propensity of populations to be unfavourable or negative to ethnic minorities. The press in so far as it has been innovative has acted as a support or catalyst of existing propensities in the community. In particular, the press has frequently served to maintain socio-cultural integration. The model examined concerning the connection of race relations and the British press is one in which the press initially reflects opinion of leaders in the race relations field to the degree to which such individuals have large and popular support. Since the press, both national and local, depend for their survival on the goodwill of readers and advertisers, it is unlikely that they will pursue an editorial policy in the field of race relations which is too far removed from the will of the majority.

Overall, the recent effects of the press on race relations have not been liberal (as the earlier influence of the press in this field was not liberal), and its effects have also not been benign.

Race and the press in Britain - a developing pattern

The phenomenon of the 'racialist letter' to the local press has fluctuated according to the salience of particular issues (Priestley, 1972). It is also possible that as editors and editorial policy changes, some of the newspapers identified as hostile to coloured immigrants in 1968 will become less hostile (and vice versa). Following editorial changes, the South London Press, for example, became less hostile in its attacks on black and Asian settlers in South London. Nevertheless, it continued to publish a variety of readers' letters, including ones expressing great hostility as regards matters affecting race relations. The National Front, for example, gave a special award to a member for a letter published in the South London Press (Wall, 1976).

A detailed analysis of the role of the mass media in fostering and supporting attitudes during the arrival of British Asian refugees from Uganda in 1972 has been made by Humphry arid Ward (1974). From the inception of the 'crisis' in August 1972: 'Newspapers carried pages of letters of protest which voiced people's fear of a fundamental change in British society which they thought the coming of the Asians would cause'.

The Daily Express was particularly active in a campaign of 'feeding people's fears' with stories of villages and towns which would shortly be overrun with Asians. By September, both the Daily Express and the Daily Telegraph were conducting vigorous campaigns, with the Express using 'large cartoons featuring Asians which at other times would have been considered an offence to good taste'.

Peter Harland, editor of the Bradford Telegraph and Argus has commented:

'It would be a mistake however to assume that, because the media's attention has passed on to such new excitements as inflation and kidnapping, racialism has disappeared altogether. It is merely latent. There is no evidence that the prejudice freely expressed in 1972-73 has evaporated miraculously. Its strength then was shown vividly by Derek Humphrey and Michael Ward in their 1974 Penguin Special - Passports and Politics. Perhaps because they chose to concentrate on one particular area - Basildon in Essex - their book was criticised as being both exaggerated and untypical. But everything that Humphrey and Ward found in Basildon, I experienced, and more, at the same time in Bradford, although Bradford was not an area designated to receive more than a handful of Ugandan Asians' (Harland, 1976).

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The effects of television upon attitudes

A leading television broadcaster (Gillard, 1975) has claimed that the role of television in maintaining national spirit and morale in times of crisis and difficulty is crucial. He may be right. The role of television clearly stands above that of other forms of mass media. Hartmann and Husband (1974) found that for the children and adolescents they interviewed, television was undoubtedly the most important source of information about the world. They argue that the important effect of the mass media is not that watching television makes us more violent or permissive or racist, but that the media throw some features into sharp relief, obliterate others, select and limit the issues which are worthy of consideration or recall. The mass media do not determine attitudes, but they do structure and select information we may use on which to base decisions about what attitude is appropriate. For the mass of people, of course, this process is hardly rational or conscious. Attitudes themselves are ill-formed and may be focused by the images and attitudes of the mass media. It is possible, too, as Halloran and his colleagues have argued (1974) that television and other news media serve to support already formed prejudiced opinions, in that adults and children who are already prejudiced recall more readily news items and programmes whose content is racial. The same programme can also mean different things to different observers. The influence of television programmes may be both subtle and indirect.

Television becomes important as children grow older. In a study of 11 national and cultural groups Lambert and Klineberg (1967) found that six year old children report a primary dependence on their parents for attitudes about other ethnic groups. Children of ten and older, however, report a greater dependence on television and reading materials. What this implies is that children can learn racial concepts, and racial terms of abuse which they would otherwise have been ignorant of. A case in point is the influence of the TV series 'Love Thy Neighbour' which portrays a white bigot who heaps racial abuse upon his neighbour. The programme is meant to be funny. The Area Round-Up Column of 'Race Today' reported in May 1973 that a primary school headteacher in Fife, Scotland, said 'that children in his school had made a coloured worker's life a misery, calling him names like 'coon' and 'Sambo', having picked them up from the programme 'Love Thy Neighbour'. A Thames TV spokesman said that all the evidence they had showed that people were overwhelmingly in favour of the programme both as entertainment and as good race relations - 'by using humour it takes the heat out of the colour question'. It could be said that the programme created a 'colour question' in Fife and in other areas where there are very few coloured immigrants.

Carlin (1975) has noted that, 'Racial clowning is the classic defence against humiliation and physical attack ... there is the Latin American clown, who is always smiling; there is, as Conor Cruise O'Brien again has pointed out, the Irish clown, who is always drunk; there is the Asian clown, the Babu; there is the Negro clown - we know him well. There is - or was - a Jewish clown. All racial clowns are sooner or later celebrated on the musical comedy stage'. These clowns are celebrated too, on our TV screens, and serve to reinforce the stereotypes of the majority. In recent years television's treatment of other cultures concerns the Arabs. Characters are either wealthy stumblebums in situation comedies or unprincipled terrorists in so-called dramas.

Both BBC and ITV continue to show a variety of old films, which portray Africans and American Indians as untrustworthy savages, fit peoples for subjugation and civilisation by the white man. A new genre of TV programmes has appeared on British screens in recent years - specially produced fictional programmes for TV which have been made in America in a new era of apparent racial enlightenment. A detailed content analysis of these programmes has been made by a group of American researchers (Donagher et al, 1975). A number of programmes analysed have been shown on British TV. The formal roles assigned to the characters varied considerably. Males, both white and black, were represented as professionals or semi-professionals e.g. educators, policemen, firemen, detectives, ranchers. Females of both races were portrayed as teachers, secretaries and housewives, whereas white females also took on such roles as nurses, counsellors, detectives and newspaper owners. Formal role-status, say the researchers, was not completely equitable but represented a substantial movement toward equality compared to role

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assignment during the earlier years of television. Citing research which shows that children's positive and negative attitudes toward their own and other races can be influenced by the specific ways in which racial characters are portrayed on television, Donagher et al conclude that the new wave of television dramas may have served to transmit a new wave of stereotypes, but these stereotypes are still ones of black inferiority.

Current statistics show that children spend a great deal of time watching television. A piece of research was conducted to ascertain the effects of a television series specifically designed to influence racial attitudes (Kemelfield, 1972). Kemelfield evaluated the effects of programmes transmitted in schools TV service for 9 to 12 year olds on the lives of children in other cultures. The programmes were shown to two groups of children, one in an area of immigrant settlement, and one in an area without immigrants. In general, the programme was well received, and also effective in achieving its aims of 'encouraging appreciation and tolerance of people of different creeds and races now living in Britain'. For example, of the subjects in the low contact area, 39 per cent thought that 'Pakistanis are usually as clean as English people', before seeing the programme, compared with 75 per cent of those questioned after seeing it. There was one exception to these results, in white children in one school in an area of high immigrant settlement, where 28 per cent of pupils were, in fact from Pakistan. Here, all the children's pre-programme knowledge was generally greater, but their post-programme answers suggested that in certain areas they were reacting to their own knowledge of their Pakistani peers rather than to the programme content. After viewing the programme, white pupils in this high contact school appeared to be more sensitive to the possibilities of culture clashes (e.g. over different diets) with Pakistani children. Clearly the effects of television are complex as are the effects of teaching about race relations in schools (Verma and MacDonald, 1971; Verma and Bagley, 1973; Verma and Bagley, 1979; Stenhouse, Verma and Wild, 1982), but TV programmes can have, in certain circumstances, a considerable influence on attitudes. If programmes transmitted by school television can affect attitudes in positive ways, it seems probable that programmes transmitted at other times can also affect attitudes. Unfortunately, there is not as much research on the issues as would be desirable.

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References

Bagley, C. (1970d): 'Social Structure and Prejudice in Fiv. [sic] London Institute of Race Relations

Bagley, C. (1973b): 'Race Relations and the British press: an empirical study'. Race, 15,60-89

Bagley, C and Verma, G. K. (1979): 'Racial Prejudice, the Individual and Society'. Farnborough: Saxon House

Breed, W. (1964): 'Mass communication and socio-cultural integration' in L. Dexter and D. White (eds) 'People, Society and Mass Communications'. New York; The Free Press

Carlin, M (1975): 'Clowns for all races'. New Society, January 9, 75-6

Cofax, J. and Sternberg, S. (1972): 'The perpetuation of racial stereotypes: blacks in mass circulation magazine advertisements'. Public Opinion Quarterly, 36, 8-18

Donagher, P., Paulos, R., Leibert, R. and Davidson, E. (1975): 'Race, sex and social example: an analysis of character portrayals on inter-racial television entertainment'. Psychological Reports, 37 ,1023-34

Ehrlich, H. (1973): 'The Social Psychology of Prejudice'. New York: Wiley

Gillard, F. (1975): Quoted in The Times, 19 September 1975

Halloran, J., Elliott, P. and Murdock G. (1970): 'Demonstrations and Communication. A Case Study'. London: Penguin Books

Halloran, J., Hartmann, P. and Husband, C. (1974): 'Mass media and social attitudes'. SSRC Newsletter, 23, 18

Harland, P. (1976): 'The media and race relations today'. New Community, 4, 435-60

Hartmann, P. and Husband, C. (1970): 'The mass media and racial conflict'. Race, 12,267-82

Hartmann, P., and Husband, C. (1974): 'Racism and the Mass Media'. London: Davis-Poynter

Humphry, D. and Ward, M. (1974): 'Passports and Politics'. London: Penguin Books

Johnson, P., Sears, D. and McConahay, J. (1971): 'Black invisibility, the press and the Los Angeles Riot'. American Journal of Sociology, 76, 698-721

Kemelfield, G. (1972): 'The evaluation of schools' broadcasting: piloting a new approach'. New Society, June 1,472-73

MacKinnon, W. and Centers, R. (1958): 'Social-psychological factors in public orientation toward an out-group'. American Journal of Sociology, 63, 415-19

Olien, C. et al (1968) 'The Community editor's power and the reporting conflict'. Journalism Quarterly, 45, 243-52

Race Relations Bulletin (1970): 'Frivolity and the Race Relations Act'. Race Relations Bulletin (London) May

Rex, J. (1970): 'Race Relations in Sociological Theory'. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson

Rex, J. (1972): 'Nature versus nurture: the significance of the revived debate'. In W. Richardson and D. Spears (eds) 'Race, Culture and Intelligence'. London: Penguin Books

Rose, J. and others (1969): 'Colour and Citisenship'. London: Oxford University Press.

Stenhouse, L., Verma, G. K. and Wild, R. (1982) 'Teaching About Race Relations: Problems and Effects'. London: Routledge

Verma, G. K. and Bagley, C. (1973): 'Changing racial attitudes'. International Journal of Psychology, 8, 55-8

Verma, G. K. and Bagley, C. (1979): 'The evaluation of three strategies in teaching about race relations'. In G. K. Verma and C. Bagley (eds) 'Race, Education and Identity'. London: Macmillan

Verma, G. K. and MacDonald, B. (1971): 'Teaching race in schools: some effects on the attitudinal and sociometric patterns of adolescents'. Race, 13, No.2

Wall, M. (1976): 'Caution or credibility'. New Community, 4, 463-64

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The sudden influx of immigrants during the nineteen-fifties and nineteen-sixties introduced into Britain a whole generation of Commonwealth citisens who tended to settle in a limited number of large towns and cities where they found accommodation available only in severely restricted areas with the consequence that schools serving those areas had to admit large numbers of immigrant children who then formed a substantial proportion of the pupils in anyone school. Very little was known about educating immigrant minorities (1) (in some schools they were majorities) alongside indigenous children for whom the educational system was developed and even as late as 1969 Vernon, commenting about immigrant children wrote, 'it is widely recognised that children of school age have considerable difficulties in adjusting to the unfamiliar conditions of English schooling' (2). Understandably teachers were concerned with immediate problems and researchers responded with a number of important studies (3,4). However, these problems were generally interpreted as being solely related to, and centred upon, the immigrant pupil's weaknesses, inabilities and failures which resulted in children of Asian and of West Indian origins being seen as the cause of the difficulties confronting the teacher in the multi-ethnic classroom. Black children were expected to fit into white schools and educational difficulties were almost invariably identified as immigrant problems.

The rapidly imposed changes threatened established educational practices and in their train induced feelings of insecurity (5) which tended to accentuate the significance of the white teacher's attitude towards black children of West Indian or Asian origin. The relationship between pupils and their teacher in the multi-ethnic classroom emerged as a major factor since 'any successful classroom has to be based upon a dialogue between students and teachers' (6) and because 'in many respects a child is taught what he is by being told what his actions 'mean', by their 'effect' on the others' (7). This awareness, once assimilated into the child's concept of himself, is likely to become an influential element in learning (8) and may be a significant factor in low levels of academic achievement. In the research on which this paper is based (9) the self-concept was viewed as a mental image established as a result of the knowledge the child has of himself and which is subject to modification through further learning. The malleable nature of the self-concept is widely recognised (e.g. 10,11) and such flexibility surrounding the relatively stable core of the self (12) places a formidable burden of responsibility upon the professional shoulders of the schoolteacher especially when 'the school is second only to the home in determining an individual's attitudes of self-acceptance and self-rejection' (13). As a learned structure it follows that, to some extent, it is taught by those people who are dominant in the life of the child. Few people can be more dominant than the child's teacher who, with an aura of authority, projects appraisals based on personally selected criteria which will be affected by the white teacher's attitude towards the black child and towards the educational task in which they are mutually engaged. Despite the development of new strategies in recent years the processes of education and social control in the classroom are still orally dominated by the teacher and the language of interaction becomes a means of appraisal by the teacher and a guide for self-evaluation by the child for as Laing points out 'identity is reached and sustained two-dimensionally, it requires recognition of oneself by others as well as the simple recognition one accords oneself' (14). In the course of this interaction the child himself will engage in making comparative appraisals

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comparing his own skills, attributes and performance with those of his peers and assessing his degree of success or failure. Davidson and Lang(15) showed that during the primary school years there is a positive correlation between the child's self-concept and the child's perception of his teacher's feelings towards him. Other studies clearly indicate that the perception of behaviour surrounding a child is interpreted and internalised to become part of the child's evaluation of himself (16,17) so whilst still in its very formative state the self is partially a product of formal education and as a learned structure becomes 'a condition of subsequent learning' (18). In America Rubovits and Maehr observed in their research that 'in general, black students were treated less positively than whites' (19) and 'were given less attention, ignored more, praised less and criticised more' (20). The interaction which takes place in the multi-ethnic classroom between the teacher and individual boys and girls of European, Asian and West Indian origins is, therefore, likely to be influential in the development of the self-concept, which itself has been consistently shown to be associated with the child's level of academic achievement (21).

The behaviour of the teacher in the multi-ethnic classroom, unless it is modified to produce a spurious behavioural pattern for some particular reason, is likely to reflect those attitudes which are stimulated by ethnic factors and because an attitude predisposes 'one to respond in some preferential manner' (22) the level of the teachers' ethnocentrism assumes considerable significance. By ethnocentrism we mean the tendency to consider the characteristics and attributes of ethnic groups other than one's own to be inferior. As it is derived from a basis of the individual's knowledge, or assumed knowledge, it tends to avoid the more emotive and active connotations associated with notions such as racial prejudice and racism which are usually based on predominantly negative and subjective beliefs. As a major influence on the behaviour a teacher exhibits in the multi-ethnic classroom it may be an influential factor in reaching the numerous professional decisions required of a teacher during the course of a working day. There have been few investigations in British schools into either the extent or the effect of ethnocentrism amongst teachers. Thus the present lack of objective evidence from empirical studies enforces a heavy reliance upon subjective comment from a number of observers of the multi-ethnic scene who, themselves, will not be completely immune from the effects of the phenomenon. The importance of classroom atmosphere is referred to by Davey when he asks, 'If self-esteem is dependent on the appraisal of others will not the prejudice of the dominant group enter into the stigmatised group member's perception of himself?' (23). What comes through quite clearly from a number of studies is that the quality of contact is likely to be an influential factor in the development of the child's self-concept especially in a multi-ethnic classroom dominated by the authority of a white teacher (24).

Any manifestation of the teacher's ethnocentrism in the multi-ethnic classroom takes place in the context of professional activity so the teacher's attitude towards that activity ought not to be disregarded. Goldman comments that 'the attitudes of teachers and educational administrators are important formative influences on how the ethnically different child generates his self-image' (25) and from the American scene Yamamoto expresses a similar view when writing about the teacher's role in the nurture of the-self-concept in children of Primary School age (26). Following the work of Oliver (27) the research reported here distinguishes the presence in the sample of toughminded/tenderminded, idealistic/naturalistic and conservative/radical attitudes towards education.

The toughminded/tenderminded dimension is sensitive to practical as against theoretical viewpoints indicating the teacher's attitude towards the methods used to achieve educational objectives; the idealistic/naturalistic dimension distinguishes the advocates of teacher-controlled education exercising an instilling function from those preferring child-centred education exercising a guiding function (28); and the conservative/radical dimension shows the teacher's attitude towards conservation or change in education. The different types of attitudes teachers have towards some fundamental aspects of teaching and learning are likely to influence their style of teaching and the type of teacher/pupil relationship which is encouraged. Additionally teachers carry into the multi-ethnic class their own degree of ethnocentrism which will find accentuated or diminished expression within the context of their teaching. The activity which takes place in the form of interaction is likely to influence the development of the child's self-concept as a learner which, in turn, may have a bearing on the level of scholastic achievement.

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To study the influence which teachers may have on the development of the self-concept of pupils of different ethnic origins the research investigated whether teachers' gender, their ethnocentrism and the types of attitudes they have towards education are associated with the use they make of different modes of teaching and whether that teaching is correlated to the child's level of self-concept. The sample consisted of seventy full-time qualified teachers and their 1,814 pupils in three middle and three junior coeducational schools drawn from two local education authority areas. The teachers, twenty-eight male and forty-two female white British nationals, were predominantly in their twenties and thirties with 43 per cent of the sample having had five or more years experience of teaching in multi-ethnic schools. Of the pupil sample those of European origin comprised 28 per cent boys and 24 per cent girls; of Asian origin 12 per cent boys and 13 per cent girls and of West Indian origin 12 per cent boys and 11 per cent girls. Two schools served the central districts of their authority's area with the children living in older type privately owned property. Away from the central districts two schools had catchment areas which included modern council and owner-occupied housing in roughly equal proportions. The remaining two schools were situated in older council estates with mainly poor housing conditions. The field work for the study was carried out during the latter half of the school year so that teachers and children had been in lengthy contract with each other by the time the data was collected.

To assess and record the classroom interaction the ten-category schedule devised by Flanders (29) was used distinguishing the acceptance of the pupils' feelings (Category 1), praise and encouragement (C2), the acceptance or use of pupils' ideas (C3), the teacher asking questions (C4), direct teaching of a didactic type (C5), the teacher's directions (C6), the teacher's criticism or justification of authority (C7), pupil talk in response to the teacher (C8), pupil initiatory talk (C9) and silence during teaching sequences (C10). The system of recording the interaction enabled the amount of time spent by the teacher in using anyone category with the class as a whole or with individual boys and girls of each ethnic group to be calculated for each class for a complete day (a). To measure the extent to which ethnocentrism was present in the sample of teachers a revised form of 'A British Ethnocentrism Scale' (30) was used and this revealed four main groups of teachers whose levels of ethnocentrism were significantly different. The two extreme groups, with twelve teachers in each, were designated as highly intolerant and highly tolerant teachers. The teachers' attitudes towards education were measured by the 'Survey of Opinions about Education' (31) which showed women teachers in the sample to be predominantly idealistic-toughminded-radicals whilst men teachers were idealistic-radicals with a tendency towards tendermindedness. Translating these theoretical constructs into a description of the probable behaviour of teachers in the multi-ethnic classroom we would expect both men and women in the sample to accept changes in education whilst seeking, from all children, a high level of performance emphasising the importance of subject matter. The main difference between men and women teachers in the sample is most likely to be evident in the manner in which they accept the changes and strive for excellence. Women are likely to be more authoritarian establishing a fairly inflexible classroom routine in contrast to men teachers who will tend to allow children a greater degree of freedom imposing their ideas less frequently than women teachers in a more relaxed classroom atmosphere. The level of the children's self-concepts were measured by three scales orally administered in the absence of their teacher: a modified form of the Bledsoe Self-Concept Scale (32), a modified form of the Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory (33) and the Waetjen Self-Concept as a Learner Scale (34).

Before focusing on the detail of multi-ethnic classroom interaction the general pattern of the teaching observed is described by the use of four indices. The first of these, the teacher response ratio, is an index corresponding to the teacher's tendency to react positively to the ideas and feelings expressed by the children. The second index, the teacher question ratio, illustrates the tendency of a teacher to emphasise questioning in preference to direct teaching of the didactic

(a) The expected frequency of any teaching mode was calculated according to the percentage number of children of each ethnic group being taught. Thus girls of Asian origin, who constituted 12.96 per cent of the children taught by male teachers, would be expected to receive 12.96 per cent of the total time given to any mode of teaching during individual teaching. The difference between observed and expected frequency provides a measure of the excess or deficit teaching in relation to boys and girls of each ethnic group.

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type. Thirdly, a pupil initiation ratio illustrates pupil's initiatory talk as a proportion of all talking and, lastly, the teacher authority ratio is an index representing that proportion of the teacher's direct teaching activity used for giving directions, criticising and justifying his authority. Relating these indices to the types of attitudes the teachers held about education shows that both tough and tenderminded teachers responded more positively to the ideas and feelings expressed by girls than they did to those of boys in each ethnic group. Both groups of teachers tended to respond more negatively to the contributions made by boys of West Indian origin than they did to those made by any other children. The responses of both groups of teachers, whilst similar in pattern are, nevertheless, at different levels: tenderminded teachers reacted more positively with boys and girls of Asian and of West Indian origins than their toughminded colleagues who responded more positively with boys and girls of European origin. The teacher question ratio shows that all teachers, irrespective of whether they held tough or tenderminded attitudes towards their task, spent a higher proportion of time asking questions of children of Asian and of West Indian origins than they did with children of European origin. In other words, the teaching of children of European origin, especially boys, tended to emphasise direct teaching in preference to questioning. With the exception of girls of Asian origin all black children received a higher proportion of questioning from tough minded teachers than from those holding tenderminded attitudes. Whereas girls spent most of their talking-time responding to these questions, boys, taught by toughminded teachers, when compared with girls of the same ethnic group, spent most time using initiatory talk. When exercising their authority in the multi-ethnic classroom both tough and tenderminded teachers spent proportionately least time doing so with pupils of European origin and most time with children of West Indian origin. Within the context of this teaching girls of Asian origin and boys of West Indian origin taught by tenderminded teachers recorded a significantly higher level of self-concept than those girls and boys of the same ethnic group taught by teachers holding toughminded attitudes towards their work. Within those classes taught by tenderminded teachers there was no significant difference between the levels of self-concept of boys and girls in each ethnic group but when taught by toughminded teachers girls of Asian origin and boys of West Indian origin recorded significantly lower levels of self-concept than all other children in the same classes.

Turning to the conservative/radical dimension, no significant differences were found between the self-concept levels of children taught by either group of teachers. However, within classes some distinct differences emerged. Boys of European origin in classes taught by teachers holding conservative attitudes towards education recorded a significantly higher level of self-concept than boys and girls of Asian and of West Indian origins in the same classes. They received more positive responses from their conservative teachers and more time for initiatory talking than children of Asian and of West Indian origins and they were subjected to less questioning and less authoritarian comment. In those classes taught by teachers holding predominantly radical attitudes towards education girls of Asian origin and boys of West Indian origin recorded significantly lower levels of self-concept than boys and girls of European origin and girls of West Indian origin. Girls of Asian origin received a high level of positive response from their radically minded teachers but a very low level of questioning, little opportunity for initiatory talking and only minimal authoritarian comment. Although teachers holding radical views about their work responded to girls of Asian origin in a strongly positive manner the general picture which emerges is one in which these pupils are relatively ignored. That is not the case with boys of West Indian origin who received from radically minded teachers an almost exactly opposite style of teaching which emphasised questioning and authoritarian statements and gave a lot of time to the boys' initiatory talking but only minimal time for responding positively to their ideas and feelings. Teachers inclined toward naturalism recorded a significantly higher response ratio than those inclined towards idealism. This more positive response of naturalistic teachers is evident in their work with boys and girls of each ethnic group. There is also a gender distinction in that girls, irrespective of whether they were taught by teachers inclined towards idealism or naturalism, received more positive responses from their teachers than boys of the same ethnic group. The pattern of responses within those classes taught by idealistic teachers is one in which they responded less frequently to the ideas and feelings of boys and girls of Asian and of West Indian origins than to those of European origin. Likewise with girls, the idealistic teachers'

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responses were less frequent with girls of Asian and of West Indian origins than with girls of European origin. In the other classes those teachers inclined towards naturalism had a tendency to respond more positively to pupils of Asian origin than to those of European or of West Indian origin. These same teachers also spent more time than their idealistic counterparts in questioning pupils and both groups of teachers questioned black pupils more extensively than white. It is not surprising to find that teachers holding naturalistic attitudes about education tend to allow greater scope for their pupils to initiate contributions in the multi-ethnic classroom than the more formally and traditionally centred teachers holding idealistic attitudes about education who allow white pupils more time than they allow black pupils for initiating their ideas. Authoritarian comment from idealistic teachers tended to be directed towards boys rather than girls and towards black rather than white pupils. At the other end of the attitude scale naturalistic teachers used less authoritarian comment with children of Asian origin and most with children of West Indian origin. The level of self-concept of girls of Asian origin taught by idealistic teachers is significantly lower than that of girls of the same ethnic group taught by teachers inclined towards naturalism. Idealistic teachers responded to girls of Asian origin much less positively than their naturalistic colleagues, spent less time asking questions of these pupils, allowed them considerably less time for initiatory talking and spent slightly less time making authoritarian comments. Within classes taught by teachers holding idealistic attitudes towards education, girls of Asian origin and boys of West Indian origin recorded a significantly lower level of self-concept than boys and girls of European origin.

The evidence of our study (9) suggests that the attitudes which teachers of multi-ethnic classes hold about education may foster, through the teaching styles generated by them, educational environments to which the self-concept of some children is differentially sensitive. It is within these educational environments that teachers also manifest their differing degrees of ethnocentrism so the pertinent question is, 'What is it like to be on the receiving end if your teacher is ethnically highly tolerant or highly intolerant?'.

Boys of European origin, taught by highly tolerant teachers, received less attention than their numbers warranted in respect of nine of the ten modes of teaching (described earlier in this paper). Very minimal extra time was given to the negative criticism of the boys' work and behaviour but it was the most frequently used mode in a pattern which emphasised direct teaching supported by the opportunity for initiatory talking. These boys are given very little praise for their efforts receiving some 44 per cent less than would have been the case in an equitable distribution. In a multi-ethnic class taught by a teacher who is ethnically highly intolerant, boys of European origin received additional time in nine modes with only directives taking less than expected time. A positive approach gives some 35 per cent extra time to these boys in which to initiate their own ideas and provides substantial additional time (+32 per cent) for silence during teaching sequences suggesting a fairly relaxed atmosphere with boys of European origin. Their initiatives find ready acceptance and are reinforced by additional time given to praise and encouragement (+20 per cent) but they are not, however, immune from criticism (+21 per cent). These boys, taught by highly tolerant teachers, have a significantly lower level of self-concept than those taught by highly intolerant teachers. Furthermore, within those classes taught by highly intolerant teachers, boys of European origin recorded a level of self-concept which is very significantly higher than those of boys and girls of Asian and of West Indian origins but which is not significantly different from that of girls of European origin. Within those classes taught by highly tolerant teachers there are no statistically significant differences in self-concept levels.

Girls of European origin when taught by teachers who are highly tolerant are not likely to be slow in perceiving that, compared with pupils in other ethnic groups but like boys in their own, they are relatively disregarded. When they do receive the teacher's attention they will find themselves subjected, again like boys of European origin, mainly to criticism and a style of teaching which emphasises direct teaching. Less parsimonious in their use of some modes of teaching, highly intolerant teachers allocated to these girls slightly more than their fair share of time in respect of direct teaching, the opportunity to express their own ideas and opinions and the use of these contributions in classroom activity. The efforts of these girls are given more praise and encouragement than their numbers warrant but the most conspicuous excess of time is given to the acceptance of their feelings and responding to them. Highly intolerant teachers

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use a very mild level of criticism (-37 per cent) with girls of European origin and this is positively and significantly correlated to their level of self-concept which, coupled with an association discovered between direct teaching and the level of self-concept of these girls, may be an influential factor in the positive self-concept recorded by these girls when they are taught by highly intolerant teachers.

Boys of Asian origin received from highly tolerant teachers all modes of teaching in excess of what would normally be expected. This is the only group of pupils to receive such concentrated attention although boys of West Indian origin are not far behind when taught by the same category of teachers. The most distinctive feature is the lowest possible priority (b) given to the direct teaching of these boys by highly tolerant teachers: highly intolerant teachers give less priority only to the acceptance of the boys' feelings. The teaching profile of highly tolerant teachers working with boys of Asian origin is one, with high priority given to pupil responses and praise and low priority given to criticism, which suggests a pupil-orientated approach although somewhat surprisingly the pupils' initiatives, whilst attracting excess time, nevertheless command only low priority. Despite their exceptionally high level of ethnocentrism, highly intolerant teachers give considerable excess time to the responses (+50 per cent) and initiatives (+49 per cent) made by boys of Asian origin. These teachers not only give the highest priority to these two forms of pupil-talk but support also comes from excess time allowed for silence which occurs predominantly during the pupil-talk sequences. Although there is no significant difference between the level of self-concept of boys of Asian origin taught by highly tolerant and those taught by highly intolerant teachers, within individual classes, where differences of emphasis may be readily perceived by the children, boys of Asian origin taught by highly intolerant teachers record a level of self-concept which is significantly lower than that of boys and girls of European origin.

Girls of Asian origin received from teachers who are highly tolerant a relatively even allocation of time in respect of most modes of teaching with a tendency to err on the side of excess time except for direct teaching, criticism and the acceptance of the pupils' feelings. The emphasis that these teachers give to silence, the use of the girls' ideas coupled with substantial praise and encouragement suggests a positive and supportive style of teaching. The tendency for these teachers to give extra time to the girls' talking, both in response and initiation, is indicative of a child-orientated approach which finds further support in the minimal time which is given to direct teaching and criticism. Highly intolerant teachers, whilst also giving additional time and a high priority to praise, tend to emphasise questioning and direct teaching giving a very low priority to the responses and the initiatory talk of girls of Asian origin. The high priority given to praise contrasts sharply with the low priority given to the girls' talking in response and initiation both of which are the most common activators of the teachers' use of praise.

The wide difference, not evident with other pupil groups, between the length of time given to the pupils' talking and the extent of the teacher's praise suggests an abnormally excessive and, perhaps, spurious use of praise with girls of Asian origin when being taught by highly intolerant teachers. In classes taught by these highly ethnocentric teachers, the self-concept of girls of Asian origin is at a significantly lower level than that of boys and girls of European origin but there is not, however, any significant difference between the self-concept levels of girls of Asian origin taught by highly tolerant teachers and those girls of the same ethnic group taught by highly intolerant teachers.

Boys of West Indian origin are given more individual teaching time by highly tolerant teachers than their numbers would justify in respect of every teaching mode except for the even balance achieved when responding to the boys' feelings. The order of precedence given to the teaching modes, (+) 7 - 6 - 4 - 10 - 2 - 5 - 9 - 8 - 3/1 (-), illustrates the importance that these teachers attach to maintaining control of the interaction through criticism (C7) and directives (C6) supported by excessive (+76 per cent) questioning (C4) which is a form of control accentuated by the low priority given to the responses (C8) evoked by the questions. The '9 - 8 - 3' pattern at the

(b) By 'order of priority' or 'precedence' we mean that the interaction categories, 1 to 10, are ranked according to the use made of anyone category by a particular teacher group with a particular pupil group as a proportion of its total use with all children.

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lower end of the order of precedence is a classic example of the teacher's limited use of the pupils' contributions (C3) inhibiting further contribution in the form of responses (C8) and initiatives (C9). The combination of the high priority given by highly tolerant teachers to categories '7 - 6 - 4' and the low priority given to categories '9 - 8 - 3' is indicative of tight teacher control dominating the work with boys of West Indian origin. With no other pupil group do these teachers give the acceptance and use of contributions such a low priority. Highly intolerant teachers differ only slightly from their more tolerant colleagues in the order of priority they give to the ten modes of teaching with boys of West Indian origin but they utilise each mode at a much lower level of frequency. Every mode, except criticism, is used less than would be expected in an equitable distribution giving a profile (+) 7/6 - 4 - 5 - 2 - 8 - 10 - 3 - 9 - 1 (-) which reflects the emphasis on criticism (C7), directives (C6) and questioning (C4) already observed in the work of highly tolerant teachers with these boys. At the lower end of the order of precedence we again find a low priority being given to the boy's initiatives (C9) and only minimal use being made of their contributions (C3). Although highly intolerant teachers give less attention to boys of West Indian origin than their numbers warrant, these teachers give a higher priority to direct teaching (C5) than those who are highly tolerant, which may suggest a greater concern with the process of imparting information to these boys. Although the priorities given to the modes of teaching by both groups of teachers are very similar, the differences in levels of frequency are considerable and may contribute to the significantly lower level of self-concept recorded by these boys when they are taught by teachers who are highly intolerant. In those classes taught by these teachers, boys of West Indian origin record a level of self-concept which is significantly lower than that of boys and girls of European origin.

Girls of West Indian origin in classes taught by highly tolerant teachers can expect to receive more than their fair share of individual attention during the use of six of the ten modes of teaching. Least time is spent criticising them and giving them directives which suggests that these teachers tend to adopt a positive approach to their work with girls of West Indian origin. The teaching profile emphasises, with high priority and excess time, the acceptance of the girls' feelings and the initiation of their contributions to the work of the class. The highly tolerant teacher gives additional time to the use of the girls' contributions, to direct teaching and to the use of questions. Uncharacteristic of the general tenor of the work with these girls is the minimal time given to their responses to questions which, since there is some evidence to suggest that questioning is used by some teachers as a control mechanism, might not be unrelated to the infrequent use made of directives and criticism. The highly intolerant teacher employs these latter two modes more frequently than any others with girls of West Indian origin and they are the only two given excess time. It is interesting to note that questioning also occupies a high priority ranking fourth in order of precedence. When this pattern is contrasted to the very minimal amount of time given to the initiatives of these girls and the very low priority accorded to their praise and encouragement the restrictive nature of the teaching they receive becomes clear. Unlike their highly tolerant colleagues, highly intolerant teachers tend to use a similar pattern of teaching whether they are teaching boys or girls of West Indian origin. Girls of West Indian origin, taught by highly tolerant teachers using a (+) 1 - 9 - 4 - 3 - 5 - 2/10 - 8 - 6 - 7 (-) order of teaching priority, have a significantly higher level of self-concept than girls of the same ethnic origin taught by highly intolerant teachers using a (+) 6 - 7/3 - 8 - 10 - 5 - 4 - 2 - 9 - 1 (-) order of teaching priority. In classes taught by highly tolerant teachers, girls of West Indian origin record a level of self-concept which is not significantly different from that of other children in the class. The situation is different, however, in those classes taught by highly intolerant teachers where these girls record a level of self-concept which is significantly lower than that of boys and girls of European origin.

Within multi-ethnic classes taught by highly intolerant teachers, significant differences have been discovered between the self-concept levels of children of European origin and children of Asian and of West Indian origins so we conclude by reviewing the style of teaching used by highly intolerant teachers. Our evidence suggests that when teaching pupils individually, teachers who are ethnically highly intolerant use a style of teaching within which they respond less positively to the ideas and feelings expressed by their pupils than highly tolerant teachers. This lack of responsiveness is particularly noticeable when highly intolerant teachers work with

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individual girls of West Indian origin and, to a lesser extent, with boys of the same ethnic group. During the more content orientated sequences of teaching with individual children, the use of questions figures prominently in the work of highly intolerant teachers and is very conspicuous when they are teaching boys of Asian origin and girls of West Indian origin whilst the balance of direct teaching is weighted very much towards boys and girls of European origin. Another feature of the teaching style of these teachers which seems to favour children of European origin is the greater opportunity which they are given during their talking to initiate ideas and opinions and to introduce questions and new topics into the interaction of the multi-ethnic classroom. The limited opportunity for initiatory talk given to black pupils by highly intolerant teachers is particularly evident in the case of girls of West Indian origin whose white classmates, when they are talking, receive over three times as much opportunity to engage in this type of activity. When girls of West Indian origin contribute to the interaction of the multi-ethnic classroom they do so mainly in direct response to the highly intolerant teacher's questions and, being given very little freedom to express their own ideas, seem to be subjected to a style of teaching which maintains a tight controlling influence. This restrictive feature in the style of teaching of the highly intolerant teacher is displayed in a more explicit fashion in the emphasis these teachers place on projecting their authority. This is illustrated most markedly when individual work takes place with boys and girls of West Indian origin with whom highly intolerant teachers use a balance of teaching which strongly emphasises directives, criticism and the authority of the teacher at the expense of direct teaching.

During less personal work with the class as a whole, highly intolerant teachers respond to their pupils' ideas and feelings even less positively than during individual teaching which seems to indicate an almost overriding concern with maintaining class control through criticism and directives. This tight teacher control tends to generate an authoritarian atmosphere within which direct teaching to the class as a whole takes place. However, the teacher authority ratio for working with the class as a whole is substantially lower than that when teaching children individually which highlights the emphasis that highly intolerant teachers give to controlling and regulating the behaviour of individual pupils. This style of teaching the class as a whole conflated with the style of teaching used during periods of individual teaching by highly intolerant teachers emphasises the use of questions, directives, criticism and authority statements at the expense of direct teaching. This style of teaching is accentuated by a lack of positive response from the teacher to the contributions of the pupils who are given only minimal opportunity to introduce their initiatives. In those classes taught by teachers who are ethnically highly intolerant it is children of West Indian origin who are most seriously affected by this style of teaching and it is these children who record the lowest levels of self-concept.

The research on which this paper is based (9) was conducted against a backcloth of public concern about the apparent lack of educational progress amongst children of ethnic minority groups. Since the pupil's failure may be seen as a reflection of the teacher's failure the need to reveal something of the dynamics of teaching and learning in the multi-ethnic classroom was considered to be important so the veil of obscurity, which inevitably conceals much of any teacher's work, was raised, albeit very slightly, to expose some elements of the teacher's influence on the self-concept of pupils of different ethnic origins. We conclude that boys and girls of different ethnic origins taught in the same multi-ethnic classroom by the same teacher are likely to receive widely different educational experiences some elements of which may be differentially related to the teacher's gender (35), the types of attitudes held about education and, when present, extreme levels of ethnocentrism. That there is no all-embracing explanation of, or solution to, underachievement in the multi-ethnic classroom seems to be axiomatic especially since the range of influential factors is unknown and makes elusive any simple aetiology of the problem. Bearing in mind that this cross-sectional study investigated what obtained in a relatively small sample and that correlation is not causality the findings should be interpreted with caution; assessed with discretion and ascribed with prudence but they ought not to be disregarded as they contain indications of ways in which multi-ethnic teaching might be modified to the benefit of multi-ethnic learning which is not unimportant as underachievement is a mutual failing.

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19. Rubovits, Pamela and Maehr, Martin L. Pygmalion Black and White. Jnl. of Pers. and Soc. Psychol. 25, 2, 1973, p.210.

20. Rubovits, Pamela and Maehr, Martin L. Op. cit., p.217.

21. Brownfain, John J. Stability of the Self-concept as a Dimension of Personality. Jnl. Ab. and Soc. Psychol., 47, July, 1952, pp.597-606.

22. Rokeach, Milton. The Nature of Attitudes. International Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences. Macmillan and Free Press, 1968, p.449.

23. Davey, A. Racial Awareness in Children and Teacher Education. Education for Teaching, Summer 1975, 97, p.29.

24. Parker, Bob. Will it happen here? The Times Educational Supplement, 3145, 12 September 1975, p.23.

25. Goldman, Ronald. Education and Immigrants, Psychology and Race, (ed. Watson, Peter), Penguin Books, 1973, p.350.

26. Yamamoto, K. The Child and His Image. Houghton Mifllin, 1972, p.60.

27. Oliver, R. A. C. Attitudes to Education. Brit. Jnl. Educ. Studies, 2, I, Nov. 1953, p.35.

28. Peters, R. S. Ethics and Education, Allen and Unwin, 1966, p.lOO.

29. Flanders, N. A. Analysing Teaching Behaviour. Addison-Wesley, 1970, .p.34.

30. Warr, P. B. Faust, J. and Harrison, G. J. A British Ethnocentrism Scale. Brit.Jnl. soc. clin. Psychol. I, 1967, pp.267-277.

31. Oliver, R. A. C. and Butcher, H. J. Teachers' attitudes to education. The structure of educational attitudes. Brit. Jnl. soc. clin. Psychol. I, 1962, pp.56-59.

32. Bledsoe, J. C. Self-concepts of children and their intelligence, achievement, interests and anxiety. Jnl. of Individual Psychol. 20, 1964, pp.55-58.

33. Coopersmith, S. The Antecedents of Self-esteem. W. H. Freeman and Co., 1967, pp.265-6.

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34. Waetjen, Walter. (Self-concept as a Learner Scale, University of Maryland, 1963), Quoted in: 'Social Relationships' (E.281), The Open University Press, 1972, pp.165-167.

35. Green, Peter A. Male and Female Created He Them ... Multicultural Teaching, 2, I, Autumn, 1983, pp.4-7.

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1. Introduction

2. The Achievement of West Indian pupils

3. The Achievement of Asian Pupils

4 Factors involved in School Performance

4.1 Our Interim Report
4.6 The range of factors involved in achievement and underachievement
4.10 The IQ Question
4.15 The inter-relationship of Racial discrimination, socio-economic status, social class and Region.
4.23 Educational and other factors

6. Our Conclusions - Asians

7. The Implications of our Findings

8. Summary of Main Conclusions

9. References

Annexes

Annex A - Achievement and Underachievement: Evidence from Young People of Afro-Caribbean and Asian origin

Annex B - Results from the School Leavers' Survey 1981/82: A Paper by DES Statistics Branch

Annex C - The Education of Bangladeshi children in Tower Hamlets: A Background Paper by the Education Officer, Inner London Education Authority

Annex D - The IQ Question: A Paper by Professor N J Mackintosh and Dr CGN Mascie-Taylor

Annex E - Revised Research Proposal on 'Academically Successful Black Pupils', submitted by the Research and Statistics Branch of the Inner London Education Authority.

Annex F - Summary of Main Findings of a Longitudinal Study undertaken by Dr GK Verma.

Annex G - A Note on Research: A Paper by Mr J Cornford.

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1. Introduction

1.1 Our terms of reference required us to '... review ... the educational needs and attainments of children from ethnic minority groups ...' They also required us to '... give early and particular attention ... to pupils of West Indian origin and to make interim recommendations ...' While we considered the attainment of West Indian children at some length in our interim report, we left a number of matters for further investigation in this, our final report, where in addition we examine the attainments of children from other minority groups.

1.2 In our interim report we discussed at length the evidence we received on the factors involved in achievement and underachievement, from the ethnic minorities themselves, from those in the educational system and from others. This revealed a wide consensus that focused on racial intolerance, prejudice and discrimination as a prime cause, with the emphasis on these factors as they operate within the educational system. To give something of the flavour of this evidence we have included in Annex A to this chapter quotations from the evidence given to the Committee in November 1980 by a group of students assembled by the NUS and from interviews with young people between 15 and 18 years of age, conducted in the Leeds and Bradford area between 1980 and 1983.

1.3 This chapter is concerned with a different type of evidence, namely research and statistics, and any such investigation is beset with difficulties. The evidence is incomplete and sometimes conflicting; in addition there is the immediate problem of deciding what we mean by achievement and underachievement. These are not absolute terms, only relative ones. But relative to what? Moreover, they are terms that are often used indiscriminately in two crucially different senses.

1.4 Turning to the first sense, we have, throughout this report, and in our interim report, made the comparison between the achievement of particular ethnic minorities and their school fellows in the White majority. For the most part this simple comparison is the only one that we can make, but it is not as simple a one as might appear at first sight, mainly because of the complexities of the effects of racial discrimination, social class and socio-economic status, matters we

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deal with in paras. 4.15 onwards. This comparison is also unsatisfactory in that it gives little indication of the extent to which individuals or groups are achieving their full potential - namely achieving in the second sense. It is often supposed, naively, that there is a true measure of innate potential, namely a child's IQ (Intelligence Quotient), but this, as we shall see, is not the case. It may be the best measure of potential that has yet been devised, but it is far from perfect and is influenced by a variety of factors. In short, there is no really reliable indicator of a child's academic potential. Nevertheless, we are clear that many ethnic minority children are not achieving their full potential, regardless of how they compare with the white majority. The problem is further complicated by the fact that many white children are not achieving their full potential either.

1.5 A further point cannot be stressed too often. In our data on achievement and underachievement we frequently quote average performances for different groups. West Indian averages, for instance, tend to be lower than White averages. This however does not mean that all West Indian pupils are achieving less well than whites. Far from it; as Figueroa (1) has recently pointed out, some West Indian children do very well in this country. A statistical average conceals a wide range of scores, some very high, some very low, a fair number on the high side, a fair number on the low side, and most somewhere in the middle, clustering around the average, i.e. the group mean. In fact there are greater differences within a group, where achievement is concerned, than between groups, no matter what their ethnic identity may be. To complicate matters yet further, unexpected differences within groups have often been noted. In some studies, for example, West Indian girls have been found to be performing at a higher level than West Indian boys (2).

2. The achievement of West Indian pupils

2.1 The origins of this Committee can be traced back to a widespread concern about the level of achievement of West Indian pupils in British schools. In preparing our interim report, however, we were much hampered by the absence of ethnically based examination statistics at a national level. We had therefore to rely in large measure on a variety of research evidence already available on the academic performance of West Indian pupils. This evidence was identified and analysed for us by the National Foundation for Educational Research in their first review (3).

They concluded:

'... there is an overwhelming consensus: that research evidence shows a strong trend to underachievement of pupils of West Indian origin on the main indicators of academic performance

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... Depressing though it is to relate, it appears inescapable that by any standard of comparison, the pupil of West Indian origin is underachieving.'

2.3 Since our interim report and the first NFER review of research were published, a range of other studies have confirmed this picture of West Indian underachievement, including for example, a recent study by Craft and Craft (4) carried out in an Outer London Borough, which showed clearly that, irrespective of social class, West Indian children are markedly under-represented amongst high achievers, and markedly over-represented amongst low achievers. We reproduce a Table from this paper below:

(a) MC = Middle Class, WC = Working Class. These categories are based on OPCS classification. See original paper for further details.

(b) High, Medium, Low. These categories are based on number of GCE O Level and/or CSE passes. See original paper for details.

2.4 When our interim report was published, many heads and teachers offered further evidence to support our view that West Indian children were indeed underachieving in the educational system. Some however questioned the existence of West Indian underachievement by offering instances from their own experience of children who had been academically successful (in the light of our

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earlier comments this is in no way surprising), or commented on what they regarded as the shortcomings of the data from the school leavers' survey exercise. The major criticism which was levelled at these data was the absence of any attempt to take account of socio-economic variables and the bearing which these might have had on the findings. We would be the first to acknowledge that such background information would have added to the completeness of the picture and indeed at the time we explored with the DES Statistics Branch whether this additional information could be collected. We were informed however that the nature of the school leavers' survey precluded this being done, most notably because at the time the information is collected, many of the pupils concerned had left school several months previously. It was also suggested that the value of the school leavers' survey exercise data would have been enhanced by the inclusion of more specific and clearly defined ethnic classifications for the groups studied, rather than simply the broad divisions of 'Asian', 'West Indian' and 'all others'. In fact those schools which participated in the school leavers' survey exercise were asked to place their leavers in one of ten ethnic categories:

The numbers in the sub-categories of 'Asian' and 'All Other Leavers' were, we were informed, too small to be statistically significant and the findings were therefore aggregated under the general heading - thus permitting a broad comparison to be made on the basis of figures which were statistically significant.

2.5 A further comment which was made by a number of people in relation to the school leavers' survey exercise data in our interim report was that too much reliance should not be placed on information relating to examination results for just one year and that the evidence for West Indian underachievement would be considerably

[page 62]

strengthened if it could be shown, by repeating this exercise over several years, that the results for 1978/79 were not atypical but part of a continuing pattern. One of the principal recommendations of our interim report was that steps should be taken to collect a range of educational statistics on an ethnic basis and inter alia we recommended that the DES should, with effect from 1 September 1982, introduce ethnic classifications into its school leavers' survey. When it became clear that this recommendation was not going to be implemented by the date we had specified, we asked the DES Statistics Branch to repeat the school leavers' survey exercise for us to enable us to see whether, within the limitations already acknowledged, the relative performance of the groups had altered in any way in the intervening three years. They kindly agreed to assist us again and we reproduce at Annex B their paper summarising the findings of the exercise carried out in relation to the 1981/1982 school Ieavers' survey and incorporating some statistical comparisons with the previous exercise.

2.6 What is most immediately apparent from the findings of the more recent school leavers' survey exercise is that, as in the previous exercise, West Indian children are again shown to be performing markedly less well than their fellows from other groups on all the measures used:

- In all CSE and GCE O Level examinations 6 per cent of West Indians obtained five or more higher grades compared with 17 per cent of Asians and 19 per cent of 'all other leavers' in these LEAs;

- In CSE English and GCE O Level English Language 15 per cent of West Indians obtained higher grades compared with 21 per cent of Asians and 29 per cent of 'all other leavers' in these LEAs;

- In CSE and GCE O Level Mathematics 8 per cent of West Indians obtained higher grades compared with 21 per cent of Asians and 21 per cent of 'all other leavers' in these LEAs;

- At GCE 'A' Level 5 per cent of West Indians gained one or more pass compared with 13 per cent of Asians and 13 per cent of 'all other leavers' in these LEAs;

- 1 per cent of West Indians went on to University compared with 4 per cent of Asians and 4 per cent of 'all other leavers' in these LEAs; and

- 1 per cent of West Indians went on to full-time degree courses in further education compared with 5 per cent of Asians and 5 per cent of 'all other leavers' in these LEAs.

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Less marked but equally clear from the figures however is that there have been some statistically significant improvements in the relative performance of the West Indian leavers in each of the areas highlighted above, when compared with the findings of the previous exercise:

- In all CSE and GCE O Level examinations, the percentage of West Indians obtaining five or more higher grades has increased from 3 per cent in 1978/79 to 6 per cent in 1981/82;

- In CSE English and GCE O Level English Language, not only has the percentage of West Indians obtaining no graded result fallen from 31 per cent in 1978/79 to 25 per cent in 1981/82, but the percentage obtaining higher grades has also increased from 9 per cent in 1978/79 to 15 per cent in 1981/82;

- In CSE and GCE O Level Mathematics, not only has the percentage of West Indians obtaining no graded result fallen from 47 per cent in 1978/79 to 45 per cent in 1981/82, but the percentage obtaining higher grades has also increased from 5 per cent in 1978/79 to 8 per cent in 1981/82; and

- At GCE A Level, the percentage of West Indians obtaining at least one A Level pass has increased from 2 per cent in 1978/79 to 5 per cent in 1981/82.

'West Indian children as a group are underachieving in our education system ... (and) ... this should be a matter of deep concern not only to all those involved in education but also the whole community.'

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3. The achievement of Asian pupils

3.1 In considering the performance of Asian pupils we have again been hampered by the absence of ethnically based statistics at a national level. A considerable amount of research has however been undertaken on their performance, and the broad consensus of these studies was described in the following terms by the NFER in their second review of research (8):

'Asians do not in general perform worse at public examinations than indigenous peers from the same schools and neighbourhoods ... Most of the studies point to performance levels on the part of Asians that either match or exceed those of indigenous peers. Findings usually relate to overall examination performance; when individual subject breakdowns are given, English often stands out as the area of weakness.'

3.2 Both the initial school leavers' survey exercise (1978/79) and the further exercise (1981/82) obtained data relating to Asian leavers (1). In general terms the findings of the two exercises (see Annex B), taken together, show Asian leavers to be achieving very much on a par with, and in some cases marginally better than, their school fellows from all other groups in the same LEAs in terms of the various measures used:

- At GCE A Level the percentage of Asians gaining one or more pass, in both years studied, mirrored exactly the 'all other leavers' figures: 12 per cent in 1978/79 and 13 per cent in 1981/82;

- In CSE and GCE O Level Mathematics the percentage of Asians obtaining higher grades in the 1981/82 exercise was the same as for 'all other leavers' 21 per cent;

- The same percentage of Asian leavers as 'all other leavers' went on to university in both 1978/79: 3 per cent, and 1981/82: 4 per cent.

(1) As explained in paragraph 3.4 above, the exercises in fact collected data relating to five Asian categories - Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, East African Asian and 'Other Asian' but, in order for the group size to be statistically significant, the sub group figures were subsequently aggregated under the overall category Asian.

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particular subject may well, of course, be a major contributory factor in the lower percentage of Asian leavers obtaining '5 or more higher grades' in the Table of overall O Level and CSE achievements - see Table 4 in Annex A.

3.3 While the evidence about school performance of Asian pupils is not unanimous, the majority of studies, in common with the School Leavers Survey exercises, show an average level of performance, other than in English Language, that is generally on a par with that of indigenous White children. Recently Craft and Craft (4), for instance, in an extensive study (see para 2.3 above), have shown that the examination performance of Asian pupils at fifth form level, whether categorised as middle class or working class, compares quite closely with that of their White School fellows. And a smaller study by Brooks and Singh (9) reaches the interesting conclusion that:

'It is the similarities between White and Asian performance which are impressive, rather than any differences.'

'Asians as a group tend to do well in examinations ... there appears to be no special trend in examination success ... different from those of the indigenous population.'

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3.5 This may not however be the full story, and one matter has frequently been raised with us, namely the extent to which statistics on the performance of Asians as a group, may mask considerable variations in the performance of different sub-groups. As we have explained earlier, although the School Leavers' surveys exercise collected data relating to some of the sub-groups, the numbers were too small to provide conclusions that were statistically significant. In their second review of research (8), however, the NFER do draw attention to evidence which bears on this question as does Tomlinson (2). Despite limitations, both in terms of sample size and research design, there are indications of differences in performance between some of the sub-groups, but with one exception these differences are not great. Children of Bangladeshi origin, however, have been shown in a number of instances to be performing markedly less well than their school fellows in other groups, both minority and majority. We discuss this matter later on, and reproduce in full as Annex C a paper by the Education Officer of the Inner London Education Authority.

4. Factors involved in School Performance

Our Interim Report

4.1 Diagnosing and evaluating the factors involved in achievement and underachievement is full of difficulties, and we turn first to the conclusions of our interim report. The factor most frequently and forcibly put to our Committee was undoubtedly racism within schools, mainly centring around teachers' low expectations of West Indian children; this we accepted as significant. But as we pointed out in our conclusions (p70):

'Whilst we cannot accept that racism, intentional or unintentional, alone accounts for the underachievement of West Indian children in our schools we believe that when taken together with, for example, negative teacher attitudes and an inappropriate curriculum, racism does play a major part in their underachievement.

'... relatively low paid or low status jobs for the first generation of immigrants go hand in hand with poor overcrowded living

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conditions and a depressed environment. If for example, job opportunities, educational facilities, housing and environmental conditions are all poor, the next generation will grow up less well equipped to deal with difficulties facing them. The wheel comes full circle, as the second generation find themselves trapped in poor jobs and poor housing.'

4.3 On page 20 we went on to consider the 1980 ILEA Literacy Survey (12), which showed that reading attainment of West Indian children was low at eight years, and remained low at school leaving age. The survey examines a number of possible factors which might have led to this result - length of education in this country, social deprivation, linguistic handicaps, teacher expectations and the self image of the child. It finds that each of these factors plays some part in the overall picture of underachievement, and concludes:

'A major contributory factor would seem to be adverse environmental circumstances. When factors of social deprivation ... were taken into account the difference in the average attainment of West Indians and Whites ... was halved. The possible effects of linguistic interference and teacher attitudes and expectations could not be measured directly but it seems probable that they have an adverse effect on West Indians, particularly when coupled with adverse social circumstances.'

4.5 Since we presented figures that showed Asians on average to be performing very much on a par with whites, and since it was argued by our critics that Asians were no less subject to racism than West Indians, it was said that the prominence we had given to this factor

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must be misplaced and that other factors must therefore be at the root of the problem. Low West Indian IQ scores were mentioned as the real cause, and, as we have noted earlier, the absence of any consideration of socio-economic factors was also criticised. It became clear to us that we must examine these criticisms in detail in the final report, as indeed we had, in our interim report, declared our intention of doing.

The range of factors involved in Achievement and Underachievement

4.6 Many research workers who have studied the matter in depth have listed the wide range of factors that may be involved, and have gone out of their way to emphasise that the problem is a very complex one with no single cause, but rather a large number of inter-related causes - see for example Jeffcoate, (13) and (14) Mabey (15) and the ILEA Report on Race, Sex and Class (16) as well as the study by Tomlinson (2) and both NFER Reports (3) and (8). The same point emerges in the study we commissioned from one of our members, Dr Verma, which we consider later in this chapter - see also Annex F. The argument has recently been put particularly succinctly and readably by Dr Bhikhu Parekh, formerly a member of our Committee (17).

4.7 Under the heading 'Some explanations of underachievement' Dr Parekh lists the following:

'First, the low attainment of West Indian children is, according to some commentators, easily and adequately explained in terms of their genetic intellectual inferiority. This view of Eysenck and others is far more widely held than is realised ...'

'A second explanation accounts for West Indian children's low attainment in terms of the structure of their family ...'

'Third, some commentators explain the fact of low attainment in terms of the materially and culturally disadvantaged West Indian home. While the previous explanation blames the parent and the traditional structure of the family, this one blames their economic conditions and the character of the wider social structure ...'

'Fourth, some explain ... low attainment in terms of racism both in society at large and in the school ...'

Fifth, some hold the structure and ethos of the school responsible ... because many a school has renounced its traditional task of educating its pupils and helping them achieve

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basic intellectual skills, in favour of dabbling in social work and psychotherapy ... they underplay the value of formal methods of teaching, hard work and discipline ...'

'Sixth, some explain the low attainment of the West Indian child in terms of the failure of the educational authorities to identify and meet his educational needs ...'

'In addition to the above, several other explanations are also advanced from time to time ...'

'First, the debate is vitiated by what I might call the fallacy of the single factor. The participants tend to look for one specific factor, be it class, racism, West Indian family, West Indian culture, the school or educational system, to explain the fact of underachievement. This is obviously an inherently impossible enterprise. Not even a relatively simple natural phenomenon like the falling of an apple or the dropping of a stone can be explained in terms of a single cause ...'

'Second the debate is led astray by two false assumptions, namely that all West Indian children fail and all Asian children succeed ... thanks to these assumptions, some have argued that the reasons for West Indian children's underachievement cannot be found in the factors they share in common with the Asians ... thus racism, either in the society at large or in the school, is dismissed as an important factor on the ground that otherwise we would not be able to explain Asian success ... as we saw, the assumptions are false ... (the argument) is invalid also because it wrongly assumes that the same factor must always produce the same results.'

'Third, much of the debate is conducted at too abstract a level to connect with the reality of the school or the child, or to permit sensible discussion, or to have clear policy implications ...'

'Fourth, with few notable exceptions, the participants are deeply committed to specific theories and either ignore others or dismiss them with a bundle of sweeping generalisations ...'

Fifth, as we would expect, a debate on so sensitive an issue ... can hardly remain apolitical. By its very nature every

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explanation points an accusatory finger at a particular target ... Not surprisingly, the group which suspects that it might be blamed ... tends to marshal whatever arguments it can against the threatening explanation, or to demand impossible standards of proof and conceptual rigour, while not bothering to provide these for its own alternative explanation ... Like every political debate, the debate has an ideological character ...'

The IQ Question

4.10 Scores in IQ (Intelligence Quotient) tests were for a long time used as a measure of academic potential, and a pupil's score in such tests undoubtedly played a part in determining the set, stream or band in which he was placed, and this in turn was liable to condition the expectations of individual teachers, and indeed of the educational system as a whole. The high proportion of West Indian children placed in ESN schools as a result of such tests was first pointed out by Coard (18) in 1971. Present practice, however, has changed markedly, and the limitations of IQ tests are now much more clearly appreciated within the educational system. Nevertheless, there remains in society at large a view, quite widely but as we shall see incorrectly held, namely that West Indian underachievement is the result of low IQs. To what extent this misconception has contributed to racist attitudes in general and a feeling in particular that West Indian underachievement is inevitable, is a matter for conjecture. But it is, as we said in our interim report, a matter that we decided we must examine, and this we have now done.

4.11 Interest in the differences in IQ scores between different ethnic groups stems from the United States, where it was discovered, a long time ago, that US Blacks scored substantially below US Whites. There has been less research in this country, but a similar, if less pronounced difference, has been found between children of West Indian origin and the indigenous population. It must be emphasised here that the argument only centres round average scores. Individual scores vary greatly, both within the West Indian community, and within the White one. It follows that many West Indian children

[page 71]

have higher IQ scores than many White children. It is when the averages are calculated that West Indians are rather consistently seen to be scoring less highly than Whites.

4.12 The heated debate that has followed these findings has centred round the cause of the difference. Jensen, in the US, and Eysenck, in this country, amongst others, have argued that it is little more than a reflection of the respective difference in average intelligence, and that a significant part of this difference is due to genetic inheritance. Others, for a variety of reasons, have disagreed.

4.13 This is a complex, difficult and sensitive area, and we have been very fortunate in getting a distinguished psychologist, Professor Nicholas Mackintosh of the University of Cambridge to review the field for us, and to carry out some fresh investigations. His paper, prepared in association with his colleague Dr Mascie-Taylor, is reproduced in full as Annex D to this chapter. The paper is a lucid and cogent exposition of the different arguments involved in the controversy, and we would urge that it be widely and carefully read. The authors are duly cautious about the evidence, but they have, we believe, disposed of the idea that West Indian underachievement can be explained away by reference to IQ scores.

4.14 We have not attempted to summarise Professor Mackintosh's and Dr Mascie-Taylor's rigorous and balanced argument, if only because they summarise it very clearly themselves (pp48-52, Annex D to the Chapter). In brief they show that much of the difference in IQ scores between West Indian and indigenous children appears to be related to differences between them in such factors as parental occupation, income, size of family, degree of overcrowding, and neighbourhood. All of these factors are related to IQ among Whites, and when they are taken into account, the difference between West Indian and indigenous children is sharply reduced.

The inter-relationship of Racial discrimination, Socio-economic status, Social class and Region

4.15 Racial discrimination, in a variety of ways, affects socio-economic status, social class and region, and some explanation of these terms, which may not be universally familiar, is necessary before we go any further. Socio-economic status, or SES for short, and often referred to as socio-economic circumstances or socio-economic variables, is an umbrella for a variety of reasonably precise measures of the degree of affiuence or deprivation of an individual, a family or a group. What is the level of income, what is the level of

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unemployment, is there overcrowding or ill-health, are they living in an unfavourable environment, and so on? Social class is a more blanket way of referring to the same thing, and is based on categories of employment e.g. professional, intermediate, skilled non-manual, skilled manual, partly skilled manual and unskilled manual. These categories are often grouped together in various ways e.g. middle class and working class, descriptions which, it should be mentioned, do not carry all the overtones of everyday usage. Finally there is the term region, which refers to the sort of neighbourhood in which people live e.g. inner city, suburban etc. Socio-economic status, social class and region, for the White majority, are determined, without doubt, by a great many factors, ranging from parental circumstances to educational qualifications. But where ethnic minorities are concerned, there is a further crucial factor, racial discrimination, which, as we discuss in later sections of this chapter, can, and frequently does, lead to poorer jobs, higher levels of unemployment, poorer housing in poorer areas, and in many instances poorer school achievement and fewer qualifications, than are to be found in the White majority.

4.16 Thanks to the pioneering work of JWB Douglas and many others, it has long been known, where White children are concerned, that poor school performance is closely correlated with low socio-economic status. It is also well known, as Professor Mackintosh points out, that IQ scores and low SES are similarly related. The precise interplay of cause and effect in these correlations is by no means fully understood, but is generally accepted as involving a great many factors, including level of employment, quality of housing, and level of parental education, see for example Rutter and Madge (19) and Mortimore and Blackstone (20). Nevertheless the phenomenon is so marked and so consistent as to leave no doubt about its significance. The fact that two things are correlated, however, does not prove that one is the cause of the other. It could be that both are caused by one or more quite other factors. At the same time it does not take much imagination to see why poor socio-economic circumstances might have a marked effect on school performance. There are first, of all, material reasons. It has long been realised that they can lead to poorer health and nutrition, and that they can lead to overcrowding, and little space and quiet for children to work. There are also psychological reasons. Families where parents have to work long or unsocial hours, and have to be out when children are at home, with the best will in the world cannot readily provide as much adult talk, or as much interest and encouragement in schooling as, say, a more affluent home. Region introduces a further complication. The poorest socio-economic circumstances are usually to be found in (often decaying) inner city areas, and here again the interplay

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of cause and effect is complex. On the one hand the poorest people are only likely to be able to afford to buy or rent in such areas, or, if they seek local authority housing, to find it in such areas. They therefore gravitate to these neighbourhoods, and having arrived there, they find an extra dimension of deprivation in terms of social amenities and available work.

4.17 As with almost all sociological problems, it is not possible to reach unchallengeable conclusions, and it may be that all the factors we have discussed play some part. Nevertheless, the weight of evidence about the direct effects of socio-economic deprivation make it likely that this is a very important factor (see references in para 4.19). In any case, the fact that it clearly operates across ethnic lines, revealing a marked correlation with school performance for Whites as well as all ethnic minorities (see again para 4.19), means that we must take account of it before reaching conclusions about achievement and underachievement, defined either as a comparison with White peers or with potential.

4.18 There is, of course, a very wide spectrum of socio-economic circumstances in the White population as a whole, but in the light of our comments above, we would expect to find the lowest socio-economic circumstances and the poorest school performance figures amongst children living in inner urban areas. This, indeed, is the case. A close examination of the school leavers' survey exercise tables in our interim report, and in Annex B of this chapter, shows, for instance, that the performance of 'all other leavers' (mainly White children) is noticeably poorer than the national average. Since the school leavers' survey exercise was conducted in inner urban LEAs (where the largest amount of deprivation is to be found), this is exactly what would be expected. Had the comparison been with leavers in areas more affluent than the national average, the disparity would have been greater still. It follows that a large number of white, as well as of minority children, are not achieving all they might, given more favourable circumstances. So much is common knowledge, and emerges very clearly from a recent Statistical Bulletin published by DES (21).

4.19 We turn now to the more complex question of socio-economic circumstances in relation to ethnic minority children. It would be surprising if social and economic deprivation did not affect them as it affects White children, and there is indeed clear evidence that it does. Professor Mackintosh, having discussed this effect as it shows up with IQ, analysed some of the same data in relation to school performance, and concluded:

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'... not surprisingly, they show that much, but by no means all of the initial difference between either West Indian or Asian and White children is accounted for by the differences in their social circumstances.'

4.21 At this stage in the argument we need to look at the extent to which ethnic minorities are economically and socially deprived. If they were no more deprived, on average, than the White majority then any underachievement by comparison with their White peers in similar circumstances, could only be due to factors other than social class, socio-economic circumstances, or region. But in fact there is a great deal of evidence that many minority groups are substantially more deprived than Whites, and this must increase the significance of these factors. This evidence is collected together in the masterly third PSI (formerly PEP) Survey (24). The Employment Gazette (25) also provides much recent evidence. We do not attempt to summarise the massive PSI report in any detail, and would refer the reader to the work itself, in particular to the last chapter. Suffice it to say that though there are many differences of detail, ethnic

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minorities in general suffer from higher levels of unemployment than Whites, and when employed have lower incomes. Their housing, in addition, is poorer than White housing. Moreover the survey finds that although there have been a few improvements, there has been depressingly little change since the previous survey (1974).

4.22 The PSI report goes a considerable way towards analysing why there should be this marked level of ethnic minority social and economic deprivation, over and above that of the majority White population. As they point out:

'One purpose of this type of Survey is to obtain information on the total impact of racial disadvantage on the black population (the Report uses the term black to include all non-white minorities). This requires a detailed survey because it is important that our comparisons between white people and black people take into account the other differences that presently exist between them: for example in this study the analysis of job levels can be adjusted for any differences of qualifications and English fluency. It is also important to understand from the outset that no direct evidence of racial discrimination is available from a survey like this, except in the reports of individuals who have reason to suspect that they have been its victims. For objective evidence about the levels of discrimination we must look to other studies, and in particular the research carried out by making test applications to employers and other bodies and observing the responses to black and white applicants.'

(A number of these studies are listed on page 15 of the PSI Report, and we would add to this list the recent CRE Report (26) on Race and Council Housing in Hackney.)

Despite these caveats, the report leaves us in no doubt that a substantial part of ethnic minority deprivation is, in fact, due to racial discrimination of various sorts. It is of some interest to learn where the minorities themselves laid the blame for this treatment. (24)

'Several bodies stand out from the others, however, with a significant proportion of Asians and West Indians claiming they discriminated: those were employers, private landlords and the police. Among West Indians, concern is also expressed, though to a lesser extent, about the Courts, Housing Department and Schools.'

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economically deprived than the White majority, though to an extent and in a manner that varies as between different groups. Secondly this extra deprivation is almost certainly due, in substantial part, to racial prejudice and discrimination. And lastly, this extra level of deprivation in turn contributes substantially to underachievement at school. The range of special programmes supported by successive governments to provide additional resources to counter the effects of deprivation and to foster equality of opportunity, indicates clearly the significance that society has attached to socio-economic factors. Nevertheless we are clear that it would be quite wrong to assume that low socio-economic status must lead inevitably to. low school attainment. Clearly it does not, since many children in such circumstances do well. Any teacher who sought to explain away, or who expected low achievement as the inevitable result of poor circumstances, would be failing in his task as an educator, and thereby seriously letting down the children and young people in his care.

Educational and other factors

4.23 It will be recalled that in preparing our interim report we received a great deal of written and oral comment, especially from the West Indian community, pointing to racism within schools as an important factor in the underachievement of West Indian children. We concluded that:

'... there seemed to be a fairly widespread opinion among teachers to whom we spoke that West Indian pupils inevitably caused difficulties. These pupils were, therefore, seen either as problems to be put up with or, at best, deserving sympathy. Such negative and patronising attitudes, focusing as they do on West Indian children as problems, cannot lead to a constructive or balanced approach to their education ...'

'Teachers should be prepared to examine and reappraise their own attitudes and actions in an effort to ensure that their behaviour towards and expectations of ethnic minority pupils are not influenced by stereotyped and negative views.'

'... discrimination, both intentional and unintentional, can have an adverse effect on how a West Indian child sees himself and his ethnic group in relation to majority White society which in turn can have a bearing on his motivation and achievement. This is clearly a complex and difficult issue ... We shall be looking further at this whole issue, in relation to all ethnic minority children, for our main Report.'

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4.24 We have not found it easy to take these matters much further. Professor Mackintosh in his Report (Annex D) looked for research evidence that might point to any effects of teacher expectations on IQ scores:

'Intuitively one can readily see how constant denigration, whether overt or more subtle. might sap a child's confidence in his own abilities. and cause him to fail.'

'Overall the evidence on teacher expectation and attitudes does not really permit firm conclusions as to whether teacher expectations for black children are a determining influence on their school life and performance. Whilst it is most likely that some teachers do have negative perceptions of and attitudes towards (some) black pupils, it would also appear that many teachers are sensitively and actively concerned to evolve a consistent and fair policy towards and treatment of their black pupils ...'

'We know that expectancy effects can be found and that they cannot always be replicated, we know that the most subtle experiment may fail to show expectancy effects and we know that they will turn up (contrarily) in quite unexpected contexts.'

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4.25 This conflict of evidence is nevertheless puzzling, for it is not only West Indian parents who believe that schools are not bringing out the best from their children. There can hardly be any parent anywhere who does not think that some teachers bring out the best in their children, while others do not. We come therefore to the tentative conclusion that we ourselves, those who give evidence to us, and those who have researched into the question, may perhaps be taking too simplistic a view of the matter. It is for this reason that we touched on the work of Green and reproduced his paper in Annex B of Chapter 2. Despite the cautious disclaimers at the end of his paper, we think his work suggests an interesting new approach to the problem. We also think the verbatim remarks quoted by two researchers (see Annex G to this Chapter), give much food for thought. In short, while we do not retreat from our earlier conclusions about the influence of teachers, we do think the problem is complex and subtle, and needs much more research if it is ever to be understood in full. To use a medical metaphor, until it is understood, it will be difficult to prescribe with certainty the treatment that is likely to be most effective.

4.26 Where teacher attitudes and expectancy effects are concerned, the research evidence is clearly conflicting and confusing. In many other areas where comparable factors have been thought to be important, in the school, in the home or elsewhere, the research evidence, is, once again, all too often confusing. The question, for instance, of whether underachievement can be attributed to low self-esteem, generated by racist treatment in school or elsewhere, has been much disputed and much researched - see references and comments in Taylor (3), Tomlinson (2), Figueroa (1) and Jeffcoate (14) as well as Thomas (28). We can only conclude that the issues involved are certainly complex and that there is now a good deal of evidence that low self-esteem amongst ethnic minority children is not, contrary to what one might expect, the widespread phenomenon that has often been supposed. The related question of motivation is equally complex and as Verma (29) and Verma and Ashworth (30) have shown, depends on attitudes in school, in society and in the family.

4.27 The extent of the conflict and confusion that prevails in so many areas of research on the achievement of ethnic minorities has, no doubt, many causes. Some of it is simply not very good research and suffers from some or even all of the defects vividly listed by Parekh - (see para 4.9). But above all, we believe, it must be attributed to the complexity of the problems, and the fact that there are many underlying causes. We have emphasised this point repeatedly, and do so again. Nevertheless, we believe that the message

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is slowly getting across, and not only in the world of research. In this context we draw attention to a paper that has reached us recently, and which makes the point very dearly. Blatchford et al (31), examining the influence of ethnic origin, gender and home on entry skills (literacy and numeracy) into infant schools, looked at a large number of possible factors, and by means of multiple regression analysis separated out those that were important and those that were not. In this case three factors stood out - parental teaching, the extent of parental education (particularly maternal) and parental views on education. But even these three only accounted for one quarter of the variation in children's entry skill scores. The conclusions are interesting and important in themselves, but the clear demonstration of the complexity of the problem is perhaps even more striking.

4.28 In the light of the difficulty in reaching helpful conclusions from existing research about the factors, other than socio-economic status, which are involved in achievement and underachievement, we decided that a major study was needed to unravel further the many issues involved, believing them to consist of a complex combination of factors, operating differentially both in school and out of school. We were fortunate that Dr Mortimore, the Director of Research and Statistics at the Inner London Education Authority (ILEA) approached us about undertaking such a study on our behalf, designed to provide information on the factors - in the school, in the community and at home - which had enabled West Indian pupils in a range of ILEA schools to be successful in GCE O Level and CSE examinations. The proposed study closely resembled that suggested by the NFER in their first review of research (3):

'A major in-depth investigation ... to study and compare the relation between the performance of West Indian pupils, their family background and factors internal to school. The emphasis in such a study would be on home-school interaction and type, size and atmosphere of school, necessitating carefully matched samples for detailed study, focusing particularly on those children who were comparatively high achievers.'

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4.29 The researchers embarked on informal consultations about the project with interested organisations, communities and individuals, but it soon became evident that there were serious reservations, and since the research team felt that the cooperation of teachers and the ethnic minority communities was essential to the success of the project, they decided that they had no option but to abandon it. Some members of the Committee regret the loss of this study, believing that it might have provided valuable insights into a difficult problem. Others were sceptical about its value and feasibility.

4.30 With the loss of this research project, we were anxious to find other data concerned with the factors influencing the performance of ethnic minority pupils, including those of West Indian origin. We were fortunate that one of our members, Dr GK Verma, had already collected some relevant data in the connection with a longitudinal study he was undertaking in the Leeds and Bradford area on 'Ethnicity and Achievement in British Schools', and that he was able to draw out for us from this data some broad conclusions on the main factors influencing the examination achievement of children from the different ethnic groups. A summary by Dr Verma of the main findings of his study is attached as Annex F of this chapter. As the summary makes clear, the study was not intended to compare directly the levels of achievement of different ethnic groups, but rather to identify the way in which different factors influenced the high and the low achievers within each group. The findings raise a number of interesting points, and highlight yet again the complexity of the factors involved and the need for further research in this area.

4.31 Finally, this Chapter would be incomplete if we were not to note the changing response of schools to the presence of ethnic minority pupils, and the relevance of this to underachievement. At the outset, as we discuss in detail later in our report, the aim was assimilation, and LEAs concentrated their efforts on E2L work. But in the past few years, and in part, we would like to think, as a result of our interim report, things have begun to change. More pluralist aims have come to the fore, more positive attitudes towards pupil bilingualism and dialect differences are apparent, and there are stronger moves towards respect for diversity through curriculum permeation. We have noted, in paragraph 2.6, that there are signs of improved pupil performance, and we would like to think that these are the result of changing school attitudes. But there is a long way to go, and only time will tell.

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5. Our Conclusions - West Indians

5.1 There is no doubt that West Indian children, as a group, and on average, are underachieving; both by comparison with their school fellows in the White majority, as well as in terms of their potential, notwithstanding that some are doing well. In our interim report we laid particular stress on teachers' stereotyped attitudes and negative expectations as likely to be an important factor in this underachievement. But we also listed a whole range of other factors to be examined in more detail in our final report. This, as best we can, we have now done, and we are led, not so much to revise our earlier conclusions, as to add to them. This is not surprising - we originally pointed out that we were dealing with a complex problem and that there were likely to be a variety of factors involved.

5.2 Our interim report was criticised on two grounds in particular, first, that it failed to consider IQ, held by many to be responsible for West Indian underachievement, and second that we paid altogether too little attention to social class and socio-economic factors, long known to be closely related to achievement amongst White children. We turn first to IQ where, we believe, we have been able to make an important contribution, thanks to an impressive research paper which we commissioned from Professor Mackintosh and Dr Mascie-Taylor. The authors show that the often quoted gap between West Indian and White IQ scores is sharply reduced when account is taken of socio-economic factors - contrary to general belief, IQ scores, like school performance, are related to these factors. It follows from their work that low West Indian average IQ scores are not a major factor in underachievement, and as the authors point out, may well be of no more significance than the well-known average difference in IQ scores between twins and singletons within a family. As the authors put it:

'We do not think that this matters and we should rightly question the good sense or good will of anyone who claimed that it did.'

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minority children suffer in a similar way. But, as we have seen, members of the ethnic minorities suffer from an extra element of social and economic deprivation, over and above that of the White majority - due, as we discussed in the last section, mainly to prejudice and discrimination in the employment and housing markets, together, in the case of relatively recent arrivals, with language difficulties and incompatibility in qualifications. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that ethnic minority children may underachieve by comparison with their White school fellows.

5.4 Having reached this stage in the argument, it is natural to ask the question: what proportion of West Indian underachievement is due to these social and environmental factors? There is no easy answer, but where achievement is recorded as a straight score, as for instance IQ, or literacy, then the answer seems to be something like a half (see Annex D, and the ILEA Literacy Survey, mentioned in our interim report and in Para 4.3 of this chapter). Where we are dealing with other measures of achievement, such as percentages of children obtaining various numbers of CSE, O Level or A Level grades, which cannot be expressed so simply, then the answer is less sure. We can however get an idea of the importance of these social class and socio-economic factors by looking in detail at the paper by Craft and Craft, discussed earlier, and in particular at their Table in Paragraph 2.3. Though the percentages with high achievement are markedly different as between Whites and West Indians, there is in both cases a two-fold difference between middle class children and working class children. We can, however look at these figures in another way and calculate from them the difference between White and West Indian high-scoring percentages with the class adjustment removed. It turns out that 22.7 per cent of White children are high achievers, as against 10.6 per cent of West Indian children, that is to say about a two-fold difference. If however we look at the original figures for middle-class children in the Table, we see that 31 per cent of Whites are high achievers, as against 20 per cent of West Indians. In other words, a two-fold difference has been sharply reduced to only a one and a half fold difference. Returning to our question, how much of West Indian underachievement is attributable to social class and socio-economic factors, it is clearly difficult to give a precise figure. Perhaps, a substantial amount is the best answer. But there is no doubt that these factors do not explain all of West Indian underachievement, so that we are left with an important element still unaccounted for, to which we now turn.

5.5 Having concluded that the complex of factors involved in social class, socio-economic status and region account for a substantial part of West Indian underachievement, but not all of it, and having

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concluded that IQ is not a major factor, and possibly not even a minor one, we are left with a large number of other factors that have been suggested in explanation. These are summarised briefly in our quotation from Parekh (Para 4.8). All of them involve the interaction of the school and society at large with the West Indian child, the West Indian family and the West Indian community, with, running through the whole complex, the influences of prejudice and discrimination in one form or another. We had hoped to get further than we have in disentangling this web of possible factors, but the research evidence is often lacking, and where it exists it is often sketchy or conflicting, or both. Moreover our own research project on the factors making for success, which many of us believe could have pointed the surest ways forward, had, as we explained earlier, to be abandoned. In this context current research being carried out jointly by the Policy Studies Institute and the University of Lancaster by Dr David Smith and Professor Sally Tomlinson (32) will, we believe, prove helpful. Meanwhile we seek to draw a few conclusions in this particularly difficult area:

We and many others offer views on where solutions lie, and it may be that society, mainly by hunch, will light on what prove to be the key ones. But there is a serious need for more research, and especially more good and innovative research in this ill defined area. There is, in some quarters, an uneasy suspicion of scientific enquiry, but as Sir Peter Medawar has put it:

'the purpose of scientific enquiry is not to compile an inventory of factual information ... it begins as a story about a Possible World - a story which we invent and criticise and modify as we go along, so that it ends by being, as nearly as we can make it, a story about real life.'

Secondly, and in this same context, we have seen in the previous section, that even such familiar explanations as the effects of teacher stereotyping and teacher expectations, are likely to be more complex and subtle than has usually been supposed. It would not be surprising if other current explanations also turned out to be too simplistic.

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Thirdly, even if it were to be shown beyond any doubt that some particular factor related to ethnicity played a large part in underachievement, we would not expect that we could alter it by exhortation of the individual or group concerned. Shy people are not turned into extroverts by telling them to be more talkative; nor are teachers, advisers or administrators whose educational practices need to be liberalised and made more aware of the multi-ethnic context, likely to change without considerable encouragement, advice and in-service assistance. If we want to help, we have to do what we can to reduce ethnocentrism and racism in the educational system, and where the educational system can help to reduce this in the next generation, it must do so. As we discuss at length elsewhere in our report, there is now a good deal of material available, produced by the former Schools Council and the School Curriculum Development Committee, as well as by many LEAs and others, designed to help teachers and advisers to produce a curriculum appropriate for all children in a plural society, as well as meeting the particular needs of minority children. We conclude that the message of the interim report still stands: we should do all we can to diminish prejudice and discrimination within the educational system, and, through the next generation, outside it; and, simultaneously, we should give every help and encouragement within the educational system to enable minority children to overcome their disadvantages.

6. Our Conclusions - Asians

6.1 Incomplete as our conclusions on West Indian achievement may be, we have to admit that our conclusions on Asian achievement are even more incomplete. Moreover the statistical and research evidence on the many smaller minorities is so lacking that we do not even attempt an analysis where they are concerned, though it seems certain that some at least of them are seriously underachieving - see Part IV of this Report and the third NFER Survey (33).

6.2 Much evidence, as we have seen, leaves no doubt that the performance of the totality of Asian children resembles on average the performance of White children. This has not always been the case, since new immigrant children with language difficulties, not surprisingly, did not do well; but this effect has faded away in recent years with the decline in immigration. Averages, however, as we have pointed out earlier, conceal much variability, and statistics have often shown differences in achievement between the various Asian sub-groups. These differences, however, are not always consistent, and are not great, with the exception of the Bangladeshis, whom we discuss in Paragraph 6.8. They, it is clear, are seriously underachieving.

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6.3 The close resemblance between the performance of most Asian and White children is not easily explained. It will be recalled that our remarks in the interim report about racism in general, and racism in schools especially, as being an important factor in West Indian underachievement, were much criticised in some quarters, on the grounds that Asians also are subject to these influences, but do not seem to be affected by them, at least where school performance is concerned. We have more to say about this later, but it is not the only puzzling feature of Asian achievement. We have seen earlier that the performance of all children, White, West Indian and Asian, varies with social class, socio-economic circumstances and region; moreover that Asians as well as West Indians are, on average, more deprived than Whites, for reasons we have discussed earlier. Once again, therefore, one might expect to find Asian performance to be poorer than White performance. But in general it is not.

6.4 We examined earlier the question of IQ, to see whether this might be the cause of West Indian underachievement, but concluded that it was not. Is it possible, on the other hand, that Asians have rather high IQs? If so we might have an explanation of their achievement. But as is apparent from Professor Mackintosh's Report (Annex D), there is no reason to suppose that their scores differ much from those of the White majority, when adjusted for social class.

6.5 There is, as we have seen earlier, no doubt that Asians are affected by social and economic deprivation, as are West Indians (and Whites) but it would seem that it cannot be to quite the same extent, or in quite the same way. When, moreover, we turn to the educational and other factors which, as we saw in paragraphs 4.23-4.29, seem to be substantially involved in the underachievement of West Indians, we have to conclude that they can only be having, at most, a slight effect on Asians. Notwithstanding the criticisms made of the interim report on this very point, we need not be surprised. As we have made clear earlier in this chapter, we are dealing with a very complex interaction between social class, ethnicity and race. White attitudes towards the different ethnic minorities vary, no doubt in association with social class perceptions and racial frames of reference. There are, in consequence, likely to be different forms of prejudice and discrimination directed at the different ethnic minorities, while the cultures of the ethnic minorities are the product of very different histories, which have led to very different attitudes, beliefs and assumptions on the part of the community, the family and the individual, a point that comes out very clearly from Dr Verma's study. Given the infinite variability of mankind, it is not surprising that different groups should evoke

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different reactions from the White majority, and themselves react differently to this complex of factors. On the contrary, it would be surprising if they did not. We would remind anyone who thinks that racial prejudice and discrimination must have identical effects on every minority, of Parekh's perceptive second comment in paragraph 4.8.

6.6 Nevertheless, as we examine school performance, we are bound to ask what it is about Asians that somehow enables them to surmount in some degree the influences of social and economic deprivation, to an extent that seemingly West Indians do not; and what it is that enables them either to surmount direct racial prejudice, discrimination and harassment, to an extent that West Indians seemingly do not, or causes them to attract such prejudice and discrimination to a lesser extent, or in a different form. We do not know the answers, though a number of suggestions have been put to us. Some of these we find contrived and unconvincing, but two of them seem to us to have a certain plausibility. We put them forward tentatively, since there is little objective evidence:

Asians, it has been put to us, are given to 'keeping their heads down' and adopting 'a low profile', thereby making it easier to succeed in a hostile environment. West Indians, by contrast, are given to 'protest' and 'a high profile', with the reverse effect. Given the very different histories of the two groups, it is not an improbable explanation. But it is a stereotype judgement, and as with all stereotype judgements it must be viewed with caution - it is certainly not true of all Asians or all West Indians.

It has also been put to us that the explanation lies in the particularly tightly knit nature of the Asian community and the Asian family, more tightly knit than is the case either with Whites or West Indians. Since parental and family influences on speed of learning to read, and educational success in general have long been recognised-see the Plowden Report (34), Johnson (35) and Douglas (36) this also seems to us to be a factor to be borne in mind.

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to vary as between West Indians and Asians, and a number of commentators have seen this as significant. Wherever the truth may lie, the reasons for the very different school performances of Asians and West Indians seem likely to lie deep within their respective cultures. It should also be said that the British school system has perceived the needs of these different groups of children rather differently. As we have noted elsewhere in this report, Asian children were seen on arrival to present, primarily, a language problem, which was readily identifiable and manageable through an elaborate E2L provision. The needs of West Indian children on the other hand seem to have been less easily understood, and have, arguably, attracted altogether insufficient attention and resources, e.g. via Section 11 of the Local government Act 1966.

6.8 We mentioned earlier that the Bangladeshis were the one Asian sub-group whose school achievement was very low indeed, and we reproduce an ILEA Report on the large Bangladeshi community in Tower Hamlets in Annex C of this chapter. We have no relevant research on this particular minority group, but it will be evident that their degree of social and economic deprivation, not to mention racial harassment, is so high that we are not surprised at their marked level of underachievement. We are glad that ILEA is well aware of their special problems.

7. The implications of our findings

7.1 We have seen that school performance depends in substantial part, for ethnic minority groups, just as it does for Whites, on social class, socio-economic circumstances and region. To this extent any minority underachievement is part of the universal problem of social deprivation. But as we have also seen, the ethnic minorities, to varying extents, are, on average, significantly more deprived than Whites. And again, as we have seen, there can be no doubt that a substantial part of this extra deprivation is due to prejudice and discrimination by the White majority. Other factors may enter in - there may be an element of the 'cycle of deprivation', and in the case of Asians, lack of fluency in English may also be involved, though with the slowing down of immigration, to a decreasing extent. Nevertheless, the fact remains that racism in society at large, and operating through employers, trade unions, landlords and housing authorities, not to mention racial harassment and violence, contributes to this extra element of deprivation, which in turn may generate an extra element of underachievement.

7.2 In the short term, countering racism within society at large must be a matter for the Law, for Government, Local Authorities,

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Employers, Trade Unions, the Commission for Racial Equality and indeed many others, individually and collectively. But in the long term, teachers have a crucial role to play. Though they may sometimes weary at being expected so often to put society to rights, the fact remains that education is a powerful instrument when it comes to changing social attitudes. And our conclusions so far leave us in no doubt that the educational system is perhaps the most promising instrument for bringing forward future generations of children who will grow up knowing about the nature of our plural society, about its many minority cultures, as well as about the diverse origins and many borrowings of its dominant, white culture. 'Prejudice', it has been said by Hazlitt 'is the child of ignorance', and teachers have a unique opportunity to dispel present ignorance, and with it, present prejudices. The logic behind the emphasis we have laid on educating all children to this end, and behind the phrase we have used to describe the sort of education we look forward to, namely 'Education for All', will be obvious.

7.3 As we have seen in earlier sections of this chapter, social and economic deprivation, exacerbated in the case of the ethnic minorities by racial prejudice and discrimination on the part of society at large, accounts for a substantial part of school underachievement, where this occurs. But it does not account for all of it. There is a further part, the causes of which must be sought elsewhere. As we have pointed out, a large number of factors have been suggested as being responsible. Moreover, throughout the large amount of oral and written evidence we have had from individuals and groups within the ethnic minorities and elsewhere, a special emphasis has frequently been laid on racial prejudice and discrimination within the educational system, and particularly on the low expectations that teachers may have about the achievement of West Indian children. Disappointingly, research evidence does not, so far, point decisively to which factors are the most important. Rather, as we have said earlier, it points to the complexity of the issues involved, and the likelihood that many different factors are involved. This is not the first time that research and common wisdom have been at odds. Research tends to take a long time to reach a fair degree of certainty, and neither it, nor any human endeavour, can achieve complete certainty. But wherever truth may ultimately seem to lie, all the factors which have been suggested are ones that impinge on ethnic minority children. Teachers, therefore, more than anyone else, have the opportunity to help be it in the way they teach, in their relations with parents and families, and in their relations with minority communities. As James Cornord, one of our members, points out in his perceptive 'Note on Research' (Annex G):

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'Many of the recommendations of this Report are, as it were, acts of faith, based upon experience and commonsense. If, as we hope, they are implemented, they will become hypotheses to be tested to see whether or not they have the good results we expect.'

8. Summary of main conclusions

8.1 West Indian children on average are underachieving at school (Section 2). Asian children, by contrast, show on average a pattern of achievement which resembles that of White children, though there is some evidence of variation between different sub-groups (Section 3). Bangladeshis in particular are seriously underachieving (Annex C). Such evidence as there is suggests that of the smaller ethnic minorities, some are underachieving and some are not (Part IV). Averages, of course, conceal much variation. There are West Indian children who do well, as well as Asian children who are underachieving. We discuss possible causes for the difference in average achievement between Asian and West Indian children in Section 6.

8.2 Low average IQ has often been suggested as a cause of underachievement, particularly in the case of West Indians. This has long been disputed, and our own investigations leave us in no doubt that IQ is not a significant factor in underachievement (Paragraphs 4.10-4.14 and Annex D).

8.3 School performance has long been known to show a close correlation with socio-economic status and social class, in the case of all children. The ethnic minorities, however, are particularly disadvantaged in social and economic terms, and there can no longer be any doubt that this extra deprivation is the result of racial prejudice and discrimination, especially in the areas of employment and housing. This extra deprivation, over and above that of disadvantaged Whites, leads in many instances to an extra element of underachievement. A substantial part of ethnic minority underachievement, where it occurs, is thus the result of racial prejudice and discrimination on the part of society at large, bearing on ethnic minority homes and families, and hence, indirectly, on children (Paragraphs 4.15 to 4.22).

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8.4 Not all of underachievement, where it occurs, is to be accounted for in these terms, and the rest, we believe, is due in large measure to prejudice and discrimination bearing directly on children, within the educational system, as well as outside it. We have received much oral and written evidence on this score, referring in particular to stereotyped attitudes amongst teachers as well as other factors, and these we discussed in our interim report. See also Chapter Two and Annex A.

8.5 We have examined the research evidence about racial prejudice and discrimination in the educational system and their effects on ethnic minority children. We can only say that the findings are inconclusive when it comes to deciding which factors may be important (Paragraphs 4.23-4.31). We are left in no doubt, however, that the issues involved are complex and ill-understood, and that much more research is needed if we are to understand the problems. We include a section on future research at Annex G.

8.6 It will be evident that society is faced with a dual problem: eradicating the discriminatory attitudes of the white majority on the one hand, and on the other, evolving an educational system which ensures that aU pupils achieve their full potential.

8.7 In the short term, the first of these problems is a matter for the law, the government, housing authorities, employers, unions, the Commission for Racial Equality, and many others. But in the long run we believe that it is a matter for schools to bring about this much-needed change in attitudes amongst coming generations.

8.8 The second problem is specifically one for the educational system. A start has been made in recent years, but there is still a long way to go before schools bring out the full potential of all their pupils, and in this context, particularly their ethnic minority pupils.

8.9 This dual approach to one of Britain's most serious social concerns, leads us to the concept that we have called 'Education for All' - an attempt simultaneously to change attitudes amongst the White majority, and to develop a pattern of education that enables all pupils to give of their best.

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9. References

1. Figueroa, P (1984). 'Minority Pupil Progress,' in Craft, M: (Ed). Education and Cultural Pluralism. Falmer Press

2. Tomlinson, S (1983). Ethnic Minorities in British Schools. Heinemannn

3. Taylor, M (1981). Caught Between. NFER-Nelson

4. Craft, M and Craft A (1983). The Participation of Ethnic Minority Pupils in Further and Higher Education. Education Research 25.1

5. Tomlinson, S (1983). 'The Educational Performance of Minority Children.' New Community 8.3

6. Tomlinson, S (1983). 'The Education Performance of Children of Asian origin.' New Community 10.3

7. Fogelman, K (Ed) (1983). Growing up in Great Britain: papers from the National Child Development Study. Macmillan

8. Taylor, M and Hegarty, S (forthcoming) Between Two Cultures. NFER

9. Brooks, D and Singh, K, (1978). 'Aspirations Versus Opportunities-Asian and White school leavers in the Midlands.' Walsall CRC and Leicester CRC

10. HMSO (1975) 'Racial Discrimination.' Cmnd 6234

11. HMSO (1981) 'The Brixton Disorders.' Cmnd 8427

12. ILEA Literacy Survey. (1980) London: ILEA

13. Jeffcoate, R (1984) 'Ideologies and Multi-cultural Education.' In Craft, M (Ed). Education and Cultural Pluralism, Falmer Press

14. Jeffcoate, R (1984). Ethnic Minorities and Education. Harper and Row

15. Mabey, C (1981). 'Black British Literacy.' Educational Research 23.2

16. ILEA (1983) Race, Sex and Class: I. Achievement in Schools. ILEA, London

17. Parekh, B (1983). 'Educational Opportunity in Multi-Ethnic Britain.' In: Ethnic Pluralism and Public Policy. (Ed Glazer, N and Young, K) Heinemannn

18. Coard, B (1971). 'How the West Indian Child was made educationally sub-normal in the British School System.' New Beacon Books

19. Rutter, M and Madge N (1976). Cycles of Deprivation. Heinemann

20. Mortimore, J and Blackstone, T (1982) Disadvantage and Education. Heinemann

21. DES (1984) 'School Standards and Spending: Statistical Analysis.' DES Statistical Bulletin 13/84

22. Coleman, J S (1966) Equality of Educational Opportunity. Washington: US government Printing Office

23. Jencks, C (1972) Inequality: a Reassessment of the Effect of Family and Schooling in America. Allen Lane

24. Brown, C (1984) Black and White Britain: The Third PSI Survey. Heinemann

25. Employment Gazette (October 1983 and June 1984)

26. CRE (1984) 'Race and Council Housing in Hackney: Report of a Formal Investigation.' CRE

27. Nash, R ( 1976) Teacher Expectations and Pupil Learning. Routledge and Kegan Paul

28. Thomas, K C (1984) 'A Study of Stereotyping in a Multi-cultural Comprehensive School.' Educational Studies 10.1

[page 92]

29. Verma, G K (1980) The Impact of lnnovation: An Evaluation of the Humanities Curriculum Project. University of East Anglia Press

30. Verma, G K and Ashworth, B (forthcoming) Ethnicity and Educational Achievement. Macmillan

31. Blatchford, P Burke, J, Farquhar, C Plewis, I and Tizard, B (1984) Educational Research

32. Smith, D and Tomlinson, S (forthcoming) Factors Associated with success in Multi Ethnic Secondary Schools PSI/University of Lancaster

33. Taylor, M and Hegarty, S. Third Review of Research NFER (forthcoming)

34. HMSO (1967). Children and their Primary Schools: Report of the Central Advisory Council for Education in England. HMSO

35. Johnson, D (1982) 'Educational. Research and Development in Britain.' Ed. Cohen, L. Thomas, J and Manion, L. NFER-Nelson

36. Douglas, J W B (1964) The Home and the School. MacGibbon and Kee

[page 93]

Introduction

1. It has to be borne in mind when looking at achievement and underachievement that conclusions drawn from statistical evidence are only one side of the argument. The conclusions drawn in Chapter 3 may offer scant comfort to the individual pupil or parent, who feels the issue acutely as 'what is happening to me (or my child)'. The perceptions of individuals give the human dimension of the argument. While those perceptions cannot be added up and set out neatly in tabular form, they provide a reminder of the expectations held of education by individuals and of the realities they see themselves as having to wrestle with to make sense of their world.

2. We want to consider some of these realities now, in order that as wide an audience as possible has the opportunity to share them and to understand that there is much still to do, if ethnic minority children are to be given a 'fair deal'.

Part One: Evidence from Students of Caribbean and African Origin

1. The quotations which follow are selected from the oral evidence of 18 students brought together by the National Union of Students from universities in different parts of the country and following a variety of degree courses including law, anthropology and education. They had been educated in state schools as far apart as Harlesden and Huddersfield, Birmingham and Croydon, Leeds and Newham. Some had progressed from the lower streams of comprehensives in inner urban areas, others through the A streams of suburban areas where 11 plus selection for grammar schools still exists, and at least one student had attended an otherwise all-white rural school. The value of this evidence, we believe, is that it comes from academically successful students in universities, polytechnics and colleges of education; not from pupils who might be expected to bear a grudge against the education system. These students were particularly well placed to compare their experiences with those of their peers who had not 'made it' in education and to assess the range of factors that influenced their own educational progress. Their perceptions of the reasons underlying 'success' or 'failure' present another dimension of evidence - the human reality behind the statistical research.

2. Headings and a linking commentary are added to group the quotations into some of the many factors raised in the discussion.

I School Factors

a. Experiences of School - The Situation of Black Children

'... I was the only one with a hint of a tint in an A stream in my year and the majority of black children were in the bottom stream ... but why was it that all these black children were in lower classes, there must be something wrong ...'

'The same thing happened with me, I went to a comprehensive ... and ... all the children that passed 11 plus were in the top stream the majority of the black kids were in the bottom two streams and that obviously affects their whole performance through the school.'

[page 94]

'I also think it affects the children's self-image ... I am a classic example because I was put in a low stream when I started school and when I came first in class I was quite amazed because I thought the teacher was doing me a favour because he liked me. And when it happened on numerous occasions and I eventually reached the top stream, all the time I kept thinking I should be in the bottom stream because I still haven't got that capability because all the black kids up to then were all in the lower stream ... Like on prize-giving I still never got in coming first [in class] any kind of recognition in terms of prise, but I got prizes for sport and dance.'

'... Those children in the lower streams end up unemployed or on the dole and other kids see that and think, well, that's what will happen to me.'

'The type of education that the black kids are given is so limited it is usually in the direction of the arts, that they can never have the chance to become doctors or scientists ...'

'I feel my education is lacking. I have got a whole bunch of O Levels which are all commerce, history, social studies, but no maths no science ...'

'I think that's down to the streaming because when I was at school I couldn't do the science because the sciences were taught to the top groups and all the blacks were in the bottom groups. So your education is restricted in that sense.'

'I feel that a lot of black kids lose out in terms of the kind of science (or) maths teacher they get. I know this is a problem that happens to white kids as well. But since money and prestige in the science department is far greater than in social studies, where most of the black people tend to tail off into. There is a lot lacking in the primary schools towards black kids.'

'You are holding back the black society from going further ... to become part of an industrialised society.'

'It is expectation again because Asians have always been recognised as having a valid civilisation whereas people from the Caribbean have not, so it is a racial expectation which is different.' ,

b. School Experience - Teacher Expectation and Teacher Attitudes

'People like us who make it through the system ... the teachers will say ... 'But you are different', instead of changing their attitudes about black people they make an exception of you ... They don't make an assessment that ... perhaps we might be a bit wrong about this,'

'... The teachers expect very little of coloured children and that is why they are put in the lower streams.'

[page 95]

There are several examples in which students had observed, or experienced, different treatment of black children by teachers to that given to white pupils.

'I was in the top set in school but even ... I was excluded from school, and to this day I am not sure why, you see, because I didn't turn out for a voluntary lesson after school or because they said I was rude. I was excluded for a whole week ... I missed all my classes and I stood outside the office, and it was at that time that I realised that some of these children are having a hard time. Because you stand outside the office, teachers pass you and you hear 'This is another rude boy'. You just stand there, you don't have to do anything, you have your lunch and come back and stand there, day after day after day. That sort of thing should not happen.'

'In my sixth form there were a lot of white children who would play truant just as much, the point is that ... they get a letter from their parents, their parents say they were ill or whatever and that letter will go straight through. On the other hand it is always the black child who did it, the point being that you have written this letter and have signed it, and they will probably ring home to see if your parent has agreed to this. It's a sort of suspicious attitude which they show towards you.'

'If you want particular instances, I was sitting in the sixth form once ... white children had truanted - they had missed an entire lecture ... and some black kids had been playing cards during a free period. The ones who had truanted were just told off, the black kids had letters sent home, had threats about what was going to be done.'

'I think once they get involved with the police ... it creates a bad feeling in school because the teachers reinforce certain ideas they have about black children ... once the police have arrested you they assume you are guilty ... and the teacher will go on that premise that you are a crook, therefore ... you can't be trusted.'

'Yes ... when my brother was picked up he was then accused at school by the teacher for stealing something out of her bag. That was about two weeks after he had been picked up.'

'Yes, when I went to a school to observe, I was in the staff room and one teacher came in and said, "Oh, so and so was causing a lot of trouble - she pinched some one's book, as a joke". So the other teacher said to her, "Oh, you have got to be careful of her you know, she was picked up the other day by the police and she is a bloody kleptomaniac". Already they had labelled her.'

'... if the kids are spending so much time in prison and police custody they have very little time to pay attention to school, I mean that affects them if they think they're going to be hassled - that disillusions them with the whole school system, because often the teachers when they come up to give reports they are going to give "Oh, yes, that kid used to be so disruptive in school and so naughty" - that's just the kind of back-up the kid doesn't need. So it works both ways, the school could help black kids who get into trouble much more. I mean - a lot of black kids get into trouble because they are truanting because often the lessons are so boring, the teachers are not giving them any stimulation ...'

[page 96]

'My brother and some of his friends were picked up ... and that sort of destroyed the whole family atmosphere for a year and when the court case actually came up the police were unable to come ... hence went another six months ... at the end of it the judge says "I can't see any evidence that these boys did these things, they seem to be reasonably intelligent and respectable boys". And all because they got very good references from school and my mum made a lot of fuss.'

'I went to a comprehensive school which was quite small, 600, and I went there the year after it opened ... and I was the only black pupil in the top stream. My sister came in the year afterwards. Because I was doing so well, obviously she was going to do well ... and all the attention was put on her. When she got to her A Levels the teacher was taking bets on what grade she was going to get and which university she was going to go (to).'

'... in my first year I had a black form master and his attitude was always to get all the black guys around and counsel us as to our work ... push us forward to work ... all the black boys although we were in the A stream we all came in the first ten ... but we had another teacher, he took us for chemistry ... in the fifth form ... (and) was also my form master, now he wasn't really bothered whether or not we got on, ... he didn't really help us.'

'Yes we need them in the teaching profession, but we need them as black people not as black in colour ... There is an important difference ...'

'You find a lot of black teachers who go into the school system they end up teaching on the same sort of basis as a white teacher, because they haven't got much choice right, because they are not in a position of authority. That's how they have been trained. When they try to do anything different, they just get called up before the headmaster and he says you are not teaching by our curriculum that we have set out so you have to curb what you are doing. He hasn't much choice if he wants to keep his job ...'

c. School Experience - Identity, Race and Culture

'... I'm not West Indian, .. but I consider myself black now, and I am half and half. But I made it, absolutely perfectly through the system, through grammar school, 11 plus, university OK ... I personally denied my blackness, because that is how I made it in the system ... I wasn't taught anything about myself as a black child or a child that was not necessarily white, except I was sometimes held up as the nicest token coloured girl. I lived in a nice middle class, country rural area ... It wasn't until I left university and actually faced the reality of going out and getting a job and things like that did I actually recognise that there was something wrong ... I couldn't now go and get a really good job unless it's ... to be a teacher or get involved with the race relations industry, because I am not going to make it in a successful sense as whites are supposed to make it ... and the way I was brought up to think I could achieve.'

[page 97]

'... in secondary school, ... up to about the third year I was white minded in so far as I didn't know anything about being black and I came to realise when I was about 18 and these guys started throwing these Black books at me and assuming that I knew them, and I didn't and I felt so ashamed. And then it was that I knew that my background and my education had been very limited, because I knew nothing about it. Yet all the time within myself! thought I was very Black, I mean I went to Black parties and none of my friends outside school were white ... I had considered myself Black. Here I was at 18 and didn't know anything about Africa or the West Indies or anything.'

'also it is a matter of materials, the kinds of books used in primary schools for black children, and the kind of cultural references they have are totally inadequate and alienating for a black child.'

'In a lot of books you will find lovely pretty pictures, but the pictures are white postmen, white businessmen. You never see a black postman, you never read about a black family, you never read about black scientists, black whatever. It is always white. If you can't really identify yourself with something that you are learning then it is going to kill the incentive in you to learn or go further.'

'... the books are the first stage of your learning, the primary school plays a big part in what (children) conceive as the society ...'

'... things like Noddy where the little black boy goes and nicks his car, what a terrible little black boy, poor Noddy all sympathy for Noddy because this little black boy comes and nicks his car. All black boys must be naughty, they do bad and terrible things.'

'the kids don't have a choice of the books they look at anyway.'

'Self image is very important and the point is that OK a few people make it through the system, but then you can say OK there will be other factors that have helped us ... but look at the majority of others that haven't.'

'Also you say that we ... have succeeded ... , but I look back ... at the years that I have wasted and that's what makes me really angry ... I could have been learning so much more ... spending hours with things which are totally irrelevant to me and to what I want to do with my life as a black person.'

'It is of special importance to us because we are West Indian but ... why the system should be changed is not just for black people but white kids are getting a biased impression as well; it could help towards a multiracial society, truly multiracial ... to start to understand each other ...'

'I'm doing this post graduate teacher training course and we do a multi-cultural education option. And the headmaster has got a school in the North of London and his school is all white ... he said up until recently he didn't see any reason why he should have a

[page 98]

multi-cultural prospectus, curriculum, there was no reason to. "We haven't got a problem we have got no Black or Asian kids" ... He was seeing the school as a sort of autonomous body and totally divorced from society as a whole, until one day he was walking down the corridor and he heard one of the boys come out with what he thought was a particularly racist comment. And he suddenly thought something has got to be done, because they are going to go into the outside world and ... mix with black people, whether they like it or not. So it is relevant for both black and white children.'

'The problem here is this idea of multi-culturalism which has been brought down from above somewhere and the idea blacks were still supposed to be interested in Rastas, in reggae, and mangoes and coconuts. They do not see the correlation between the other cultures in this country. In terms of Asians, they are here for the same reasons that West Indians are here, they have different cultures but they have a common struggle. That is, multi-culturalism is not recognised, they are recognising the difference but they are not recognising the common struggle which is the problem of housing, education, police and the society. And if teachers were to be sensitive to that I think they could go a lot further ...'

'We hear about (our) history as slavery ...'

'... it's like Africa never existed until ... the white man came and civilised everybody.'

'That phrase "the Europeans brought civilisation", that phrase should be cut off, it should never be taught at school, it implies heavily that their ancestors were inferior.'

'... they should be careful what kind of books they have and the use of words like "primitive" and "tribal" and "civilisation", I mean those continue to reflect or give the black , kids inferior concepts of themselves.'

'You want to point out to children really that the black contribution to the world is just as valuable as the white contribution. We just get it from the white angle all the time.'

'... the slant, ... it affects not just blacks but the whites as well. Whites get an inferior sort off eel towards black children. My class at school, and I was at the top of the class, but when we did history and the slave trade, it was embarrassing. I felt as if I shouldn't be there, even though on paper I was as good as the person sitting next to me. It was the slant not so much as the history itself, you know.'

'Exactly, I think the slant of it is very important and ... looking where history books come from and the kind of people that teach them, it goes right through to university level. Even ... where special courses arranged for African history to be taught it was always white ex-colonial lecturers ...'

'... looking at the curriculum as it stands now ... Egypt is in the curriculum for all first years in most of England ... look at the way Egypt is taught and you would get the impression that all Egyptians are white.'

'... If I had put down that the majority of Egyptians in the early stages of the Egyptian dynasty were black in an exam, that would have been marked wrong. So what do I put? That is a denial of my identity.'

[page 99]

'... nobody ever correlates ... that Egypt was black ... the correlation between African and Egypt, and Egypt and Greece, and in Greece the Western civilisation, and nobody ever makes that correlation that Africa has contributed to the western civilisations and is probably the basis of it.'

'Who is teaching the teachers? My degree was in anthropology and I was taught by an ex-colonialist and it was primitive tribes in the Sudan. It's the university lecturers and the lecturers in the teacher training colleges they are the ones who are teaching ... the teachers and the subsequent lecture lecturers ... so not only is it the course content but it is also the teachers themselves and who is writing the textbooks.'

'If you are looking for people who are going to be creating resources for black people to be using, those people will have gone to those universities and if they have been dealt rubbish like that then the amount of work that they have got to do to overcome that mis-education is massive ...'

'... if there were special courses in African whatever, or West Indian, it must also be introduced into the curriculum when it is valid, and not just something special that black people can have as an option, so that they can take it as an exam and it is a valid piece of paper.'

'And it goes right across the board in things like geography as well.'

'... they are teaching like multi-cultural education but in such a passive way ... it's lip-service to it really.'

'Like yesterday we were discussing language and the fact that language in the classroom can be very racist and sexist ... most of the students could not understand why this lecturer was making such a big deal about ... certain words such as blackmail, ... although they can be taken at this very simplistic level, there are other words which do have much deeper meanings that do affect the self image of the black child. There was so much debate going on ... people couldn't see the implicit assumptions and sometimes the explicit assumptions that are being made by teachers in the type of books they use. You can take the word golliwog which is a figure on a jam jar but when a racist calls you a wog they are not calling you a bottle of marmalade, they are calling you something more, ... yet here were these 200 people who are going on to be teachers and they were totally unaware that there was a problem.'

One student introduced the question of reading as basic requirement for education, and this led to a discussion of the language of West Indians.

'When I finished my O Levels we were helping some of the children to read in class and some of them were black ... one particular child ... was 11 or 12, he had a reading age of 5. As far as I could see, not being a doctor, he wasn't mentally sub-normal ... quite a few of them have passed through the system without being able to read - a basic necessity ...'

'That's dedication on the part of the teachers. Teachers have such an amount of time to spend on each individual child, ... if a child is very slow with reading, the teacher is not going to spend the time in my experience. So it means I couldn't read ... it was in the West Indies. Another teacher went out of her way to show me basics ... now that is what is needed in schools for any child ...'

[page 100]

'I would also say it's a question of language as well, I mean that West Indian is faced with two dialects which they have to overcome, and sometimes you get a teacher who categorises a child who speaks with let us say a Jamaican accent, or pronounces words in a Jamaican way ...'

'... I had such a low self-image because I had a bad primary school education where I came last the whole time, because I had just come to England and my Jamaican accent was very pronounced and most of the teachers didn't understand me.'

'... English and speaking it reasonably correctly is a necessary thing, therefore I think that that should be basic, I don't think you should ban patois ... but we live in this country right, therefore in order to succeed it's no good talking patois when you are going for a job and if you are not dealing basically with black people ...'

'I don't think it ought to be denied, I mean if a child starts to speak in the classroom, not on his essay, but in the classroom to the teacher in a Jamaican way or whatever, it shouldn't be put down ...'

'... language is part of the curriculum ... and in terms of dialect in Creole that we speak, in terms of English in the English Department, in my experience I wanted to speak in dialect and I was stopped and dialect should be part and parcel of the curriculum because it is a question of recognising the cultures within the school and how they want to express themselves, and how they perceive themselves ... so if we actually deny the existence of dialect or patois or Creole in school we are denying (the culture) ... and I feel that a lot of teachers feel inadequate in terms of all the cultures that exist in school and they find difficulty in trying to cope with it ...'

'I think in drama you could find patois or Creole could be very effective in the English teacher understanding the West Indian Creole ...'

'... they want their children to get through the educational system within Britain ... the only way ... is by becoming as anglicised as possible and that means denying all your sort of cultural connections and that means speaking in a way that everybody else will recognise as standard English ...'

'... it seems to me a sad state of affairs when even in the West Indian home kids are discouraged from speaking patois, I mean my parents they were concerned about getting me through the system. If! broke out speaking patois in the home they'd tell me "No, you have got to learn to speak this way automatically because that's the way people speak to get on".'

'They force white middle class values on you, that's the only way they think you can succeed.'

[page 101]

II Home factors

a. Parental Attitudes

'One thing we felt was very important is the sort of different attitudes that West Indian parents have to schooling. Like, for instance, in the West Indies parents consider that you should send your child to school and it is the duty of the teachers to teach children ... Therefore perhaps they don't really expect the problems that occur ... like if you are in school here and you are not working, ... quite often teachers just let you get on with it ...'

'... Working class parents, particularly West Indian, put all their trust in the educational system for their children. They think that the teacher will educate the child and we are not really involved in that, we get them to the school, you teach them ...'

'... I had what I reckon to be very good parents who knew the way through the system and were willing to fight for me.'

'... my mother ... knows a certain amount about the system ,and therefore she isn't going to sit down and watch anything happen to any of us. She will go down there and will tell them what's what.'

'If the parents are very very persistent they will get something done, but if the parents don't know the system ... they don't know how to get around it.'

'... I know of two incidents where parents have been told that their children need special schooling, ... in the end it turns out to be an ESN school ... it was put into such luxury language that the parents were totally blinded ...'

'The thing is that there are certain housing policies which put black people into certain areas, thus they go to these certain schools, that is the point.'

'... you can see very clearly not just in high immigrant areas ... the majority of black kids will be sent to one school ... and white kids go to the other schools and the educational facilities at some schools are decidedly better than the others ...'

'... I know ... you write down on the list of where you want your children to go first, second, third choice. But then if you don't get your choice, well bad luck.'

'The policy of these schools, you see a lot of children do CSEs they don't push O Levels ...'

'In my case it is due to my parents, and in a lot of cases it is due to the child losing its identity as a black child and sitting down keeping quiet, taking everything that is put to him or her ... because their fighting ability has been killed as they grow up. So (they) just do the work. And when they get to the top if they do ... they are only black in face. They haven't tended to look back and to pick up their brothers and sisters, they are only there as a figurehead.'

[page 102]

'There are some people that just learn to play the game, you realise how it works and you think well, if I want to get on, ... this is how I have got to do it, you don't have to become totally Anglicised ... you don't have to lose all identity, some people do. You don't have to, you learn to switch the system to how you want it. I met a lot of people at university who said, "We are doing this because we want to prove that we are better than the white person".'

'It means you have to work ten times harder if you are not conforming to get through, if you want your own identity you have to work that much harder.'

'... many black students who make it to university make it through evening classes and ... college, not necessarily from the school they went to.'

'Another thing ... a certain number of people would like to get back into the system into education and they find it very difficult to get into it again because of lack of grants. Therefore to do evening classes ... would take a sacrifice on somebody's part and working and trying to support yourself is difficult.'

'You should get data from schools, if you were to ask your headmasters to write down how many blacks go up to university, directly from school ... you will have your data there straight away ...'

'I know teachers know how many blacks there are in the sixth form and how many go to university because there are very few, I was one. They are usually outstanding in a sense because everyone knows them - this is the prise black boy, he will go far, ... so people will remember them.'

'I tend to feel that we are exceptions to the rule therefore it is more important for us to say why we think the others won't make it ... because I had what I reckon to be very good parents who knew the way through the system and were willing to fight for me. I had brothers ... who had been through the system already, had been to grammar school ... to university. You can't hope to make the environment of every child the same as ours was.'

'That's why individual statements from all of us would be useless, because the most important thing is to identify the areas that need to be changed ...'

'We are black, we have made it. We have made it at a loss in many cases or we have made it with a fight and usually since we were young children the fight wasn't ours ... in my case it was my mum, in a lot of cases probably the parents, in a lot of cases probably older brothers and sisters.'

'And it might just be sheer motivation, you might think well I'm going to prove that I can do just as well as the next person ...'

'If you look for a clue or a common factor, you can see that the common factor is self realisation among everyone that the system works against you. And whether that self realisation is given by your parents or your brother, anything, you realise it sooner or later and you work.'

'... we have a pretty realistic attitude to what's going on in society therefore we attempt ... to use the system to our advantage.'

[page 103]

One thing that the students were quite clear had not been a positive factor in motivating them or influencing their decisions about their future careers was the advice on careers which they had received in school.

'The type of advice I was given by my careers teacher at school ... when I started to become a lawyer was "Work in Woolworths where you can meet people" ... I was so amazed I couldn't be bothered to say anything else to her.'

'I had the same thing, when I went to see my careers adviser I said I wanted to apply to university and before that I had wanted to go to teacher training college and he told me not to run before I could walk, no sort of encouragement at all ...'

'I didn't have (encouragement) to go to university either, I was told to do something like HND or something that would far better suit my ability.'

'... I was leaving comprehensive school and I wanted to go to sixth form college. I was pushed into lots of different jobs - building, welding, car mechanic, ... it just wasn't on that I should go, they felt I should leave and get a job.'

'I think it is that careers officers tend to say to a black person "We all know black people are good with their hands so you find yourself something to do with your hands".'

'I didn't have that experience because ... I just asked him about universities, I didn't bother to ask him anything else because I knew what I was going to do therefore I didn't ask him for any advice.'

'I feel I didn't really want to go to them because I heard so many stories about them like one guy he wanted to be an engineer, and they put him in a factory as a machine operator. And other people wanted to go to university and the careers office just laughed at them. I didn't go ...'

'Change the system.'

'That is generally what we want, we want the system changed. Barring that we want the curriculum changed by the schools at a young age.'

'... I wouldn't want positive discrimination in a way that made black kids somehow special, so that they are seen as targets by their white classmates. I mean, that is bad positive discrimination where the two kids are getting on well together. Not problems, not similar to Head Start or the compensatory education ...'

'Like positive discrimination in the sense that you are actively making teachers aware of other cultural things, like that type of positive discrimination - where you actually decide to spend money on educating teachers.'

[page 104]

Part Two: Evidence from Young People of Asian Origin

1. The quotations that follow are taken from a series of over 200 individual interviews conducted with youngsters in the Leeds/Bradford area, in the course of Dr GK Verma's longitudinal study of ethnic minority adolescents. The quotations are not taken exclusively from interviews with Asian youngsters, although the sex and ethnicity of each youngster accompanies each quotation. We should point out here that the term 'Asian', which is used as a general category in the statistical evidence, can be misleading in view of the widely differing religious, linguistic, social and cultural traditions and the different experiences of the various groups from the Asian sub-continent. The interviews from which these quotations are taken were recorded during the period 1980-83 and were fully transcribed. The perceptions and attitudes displayed in these quotations were similar to the ones given at a number of forums conducted during the course of this Committee's work.

2. These quotations are offered with the minimum of editorial comment but have been set out under three main headings: Home and family, School and (Un)employment/Further Education.

I. Home and family

a. Parental support expectations

i. Indian Boy. 'Well the only reason he (his father) came over was to get a better education for his children. I don't want to let my father down - his sole ambition was to come over here and educate his children because the education in India is non-existent.'

ii. Indian Girl. 'To do well you need a good relationship with your parents - good relationships with the family as a whole. I think if you have got your parents and the family you can face anything in the world. That's my belief.'

iii. Pakistani Boy. 'The only reason anyone comes here is that education is better, it's free and in Pakistan pupils have to cross rivers and walk miles a day. Here there is the luxury of buses. So we come here for education so we can go home and say we have got a qualification and get a job and settle down and that's it. That's the whole point in coming here, I think.' (NB This boy's intention to return home was atypical).

iv. Pakistani Boy. 'Asian parents are really looking towards a good future for their sons, they are the base of the family. Actually the girls do the housework, but it would help if they are educated, but they don't rely as much on them as they do on sons.'

i. Indian Boy. 'I am proud of being English, but I am more proud of being Indian. I don't agree with my Mum and Dad hardly ever, but if it comes to the crunch I am more Indian than I am English. I think that my kids will be very western but they will never forget their own culture.'

ii. Indian Boy. 'There is the stuff like arranged marriages and so on. I disagree with that, but that doesn't mean that I am totally 100 per cent against it - I am against it 90 per cent but because of my parents you know - like, say you found a girl and fell in love, well I'd ask my parents about it first if I did want to get married.'

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iii. Pakistani Boy. (asked whether he'd seen any changes in the community) 'It just depends on what type of families you look at. 'Cos my Dad gives me more freedom, you know he doesn't care if neighbours say something or talk about something. He sort of argues against them and he sticks up for me, whether I am wrong or right. But the next door neighbours, if there is anything their family does wrong and somebody tells them about it they get really angry. Like my friends, when they see all these ladies and women and all this English sort coming down to our house, they start getting funny ideas about what we are doing.'

iv. Indian Girl. ''I'd do exactly what my parents have done to me because I think it's very important to keep one's culture; to be identified because when you live in a society it's very important to belong to a society. If you don't belong to something, then you are cast out and get lonely and it's very bad for you.'

v. Pakistani Girl. 'I had two interviews with the careers teacher and they asked me what I wanted to do. I said helping old people and nursery nursing and so on. Then they told me to go on work experience. My parents don't allow that, they say work experience is mixed for girls and boys and my parents say it's no good thing being with boys because boys are ... boys are different than girls.'

vi. Pakistani Girl. 'I could have been a nurse - there are girls who take City and Guilds who go to different hospitals in Bradford. But if I took on nursing I would have to wear a skirt which is against my religion. I'd like that very much.'

vii. English Girl. 'Obviously Asians don't get as far as we do because of their families and religions - especially the girls - the girls marry at an early age. Their parents say to them that you should get married and have a family and stay at home. You don't see many Asian women at work as you do English. You tend to see them more with children just staying at home. I think some of them have got used to the English culture. I think they must have felt a lot of resentment.'

a. Perceptions of their Teachers

i. Pakistani Girl. 'The teacher didn't get on well with me neither, 'cos I was Asian and we only had about two or three Asians in our group. She always picked on us or something.'

ii. Sikh Boy. 'Things which should hold me back in life are being ... because I am Indian, that is a disadvantage. Some teachers have very poor expectations of all Asians.'

iii. Pakistani Girl. 'You try to humour them (teachers) ... they treat you as though you are from another planet or something. If you get on well with them they stop hating you ... but you have got to try first. If you start putting a barrier between them and you, they hate you more, so you have always got to try to be on your best side for them.'

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b. Careers education/advice

i. Pakistani Boy. 'The careers teachers were trying to get me into engineering and forcing me, and they were saying don't stay on at school, it's bad for you, you will never make A Levels and discouraged like hell they did. You really got put off and the only thing that keeps you going is your friends who say 'don't listen to them, you'll do all right.'

ii. Asian Boy. 'Nobody really bothered about the careers teacher, to be quite honest; because what she said was a load of codswallop anyway.'

iii. Pakistani Boy. 'The Careers Officers asked me why I don't want to take up agriculture as my career. He said that my father comes from a rural area of Pakistan.'

iv. English Boy. 'Yes there was a weekly careers. They had a careers teacher there and you had a careers interview. I don't know how often it was, I can't remember. But to be quite honest I thought they were a waste of money, they were no help at all - I suppose to others they may be - but to me they weren't.'

v. English Girl. 'Well there was a careers teacher at school and we used to go and see her about once a week. But every kind of job we said we wanted, she would try and put us off.'

i. Indian Girl. 'When I was in junior school I never bothered about my colour ... Since I have come to this school I have encountered a lot of racial prejudice and I realised that I was this colour, and it was this colour that was making them so horrible to me.'

ii. Tanzanian Girl. 'Well some people, that's what I don't like, some people are really against you, racialist mostly here (at this school) ... and it's just that I don't like it. It's just people's attitudes ... Being Indian, I think that is a disadvantage.'

iii. Indian Girl. 'One girl in the fifth form, she picked on me and she kept on picking on me every day. I just kept on ignoring her and then she pushed me down the steps. I told the Headteacher and he took her and told her off. She said if you tell the Headteacher again I'll kick you in again. And she kept on doing that to me again. So I told my parents and they went up to school and told the Headmaster.'

This section on school would be incomplete if it were to be confined to illustrations of pupils' perceptions. Therefore, the following quotations, taken from interviews with teachers, are presented to offer an illustration of the type of stereotyping of ethnic minority pupils, which some teachers engage in, either consciously or unconsciously. Such stereotyping, as epitomised by these examples, is likely to have an adverse effect on teachers' interactions with pupils, with all sorts of attendant consequences for the latter's educational achievement and, ultimately, life chances.

i. Teacher. 'There is a certain tendency amongst some of them (Asians), to believe that knowledge and ability can be boxed and taken down from a shelf, and the

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ingredients of that box can be put in front of them and all that they need to do is to soak it up, recharge themselves like a battery with academic standing; that's very sad because there's a great tendency to believe among the Asian community - to think sheer diligence is sufficient, and it is not.'

ii. Teacher. 'They (Asians) approach their ambitions with the hopes of obtaining a particular post or particular places, and yet academically they are not bright enough, so that they set their aims too high, and although a school will try very often to indicate this to them, they don't really want to know and therefore they switch off.'

iii. Teacher. 'We have no distinction in this school between pupil and pupil, that's our first objective ... I should have put it - if all the Asians ... evaporated tomorrow, it would not make a scrap of difference to the curriculum.'

iv. Teacher. ' ... the people (Asians) you are talking about, their sons and daughters, finish up in this school in classes which are non-examinations or bottom CSE. They rarely have sons and daughters who are going to be bright GCE candidates, and it isn't the fault of the education system, and it isn't the fault of Western civilisation - it's inherent in life.'

a. Jobless

i. Indian Boy. 'Now I have been rejected from so many jobs, all I want to do now is get a job. I am asking people what is the fault with me: why can't I get a job?

ii. Pakistani Girl. 'Yes - I feel really funny now,like going down to the Job Centre. I don't even like to meet my friends sometimes because they all know what they're doing, don't they. Look at me, I'm here, I've done nothing really. Before in school I used to be the one who knew everything, but now I feel as though I don't know anything. I don't like to meet them a lot.'

i. Indian Boy. 'I remember seeing some of the applicants, and prior to that my Mum and Dad used to say that racial prejudice exists and I used not to believe them because of my friends and the teachers. As soon as I started to experience this situation where I was short-listed and did not get the job, I started feeling sort of rejected and bitter.'

ii. Pakistani Girl. 'You see they offered this work at You know, at school, there were five of us who applied for it. Three Asian girls applied for it, including me, and two English girls. And ... accepted the two English ones and said no to us and I don't think that's fair.'

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c. Do qualifications lead to jobs?

Although a substantial proportion of youngsters interviewed held the belief that better examination results lead to better job opportunities, a number who had left school and found work discovered that academic qualifications were not the only criteria used by employers during employee selection.

i. Pakistani Boy. 'I have been reading all the papers you see. You need experience, you have got the qualifications, then you need five year's experience behind you. Experience is vital really, apart from qualifications as well.'

ii. Pakistani Boy. 'Well, first is that I don't have any experience. Secondly is that they wanted someone who knows about the thing, and sometimes is a matter of age. Sometimes they make you take a test; you might pass or fail. You don't know; but they say you haven't succeeded.'

i. West Indian Boy. 'A year is quite enough in the sixth form. I don't think I would stop on two years because when you are 18 - they would want experience, and in some jobs it's not brains you want, they wouldn't want you at all. Experience it's experience what counts, in some jobs. And besides, they would want you at 16 if they want brains or such. That's what I think anyway.'

ii. Indian Boy. 'Basically what I am trying to do now is staying on in the sixth form so that people think the lad's not losing interest, and so that when I go for a job I can say 'Well look I am in the sixth form!' I am in a situation whereby I am willing to leave if I am offered a good job, but I'm not going to be too choosy. So I stayed on in the sixth form so as not to be regarded as a 16 year old who had left school with virtually no education. 'Cos people who leave school with 5 O Levels get a job, it is very seldom that they don't, and that is why I stayed on in the sixth form. And also I took A Level economics, history, geography and general studies.'

iii. West Indian Girl. 'I think a lot of people choose the sixth form because of the job situation, because they didn't want to go through the dole and things. I think it's depressing seeing your friends on the dole anyway - you don't want that to happen to you. Stay on, even if it's just for the year. You do it 'cos you think you might as well, because you are not given anything else.'

iv. Pakistani Girl. 'I could have stayed on but you see the way things are with Asian people at school, with girls - they have been baddies at school really. You know, my parents - some people told my parents about girls, how they have been at school. So my parents have got the idea you see, of girls, how they are at school and how they are at home you see. So my parents, that's why they didn't tell me to stay on a bit further with my courses you see. That's why really. It's one of the main reasons.'

v. Pakistani Girl. 'They (her parents) think that you know there's no jobs nowadays for us so they said that you might as well stay on at school and get a higher grade or, you know, get a higher qualification for a better job.'

vi. Pakistani Boy. 'I want a job where my academic effort is valid ... I don't want to be regarded as a shopkeeper; I would do that anytime. If I had known that, I

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could have messed about in the fifth form, no effort whatsoever. And they are in jobs - they are in good jobs - which makes me feel degraded when I stand next to them and yet they have not got any O Levels.'

vii. West Indian Boy. 'Most of my friends who have got jobs are English - well, white - they've got the jobs probably because they are white. 'Cos all my mates who are Asian or Black as it were, they have gone back to sixth form.'

1. It is evident from these quotations that the struggle of young people of Asian and West Indian origin in British Society has many dimensions; it is closely bound up with many social, educational and institutional factors which impose numerous disadvantages. Underachievement may have its origins in the very beginnings of schooling - whether in nursery school or infant school - where preconceived attitudes to children's ability, racist or ethnocentric reading books and the treatment of misdemeanours can give a child a negative picture of himself and his place in the wider world. And these disadvantages become cumulative as the child progresses through the system.

2. The dilemma in which these young people are placed is an extremely difficult one. Their parents have by and large found themselves on the lowest rungs of the ladder of British Society. This has led to great pressure from the family for success in the second generation. Prejudice and discrimination both in school and in the wider society add to this pressure. In order to overcome these adverse factors, many of these young people stressed their determination and need to do exceptionally well in school. But even success in the educational system is not without its problems: it does not necessarily lead to social and economic success, and if teachers' perceptions of ethnic minority pupils often appear to be a hindrance to effective educational practice, the discouragement or suppression of aspirations by teachers and careers advisers may result in a profound alienation between these pupils and the educational system.

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Introduction

1. This paper presents a summary of the results obtained from the Department of Education and Science's School Leavers Survey for 1981/82 on the educational qualifications, age on leaving school and destination in respect of a sample of children from specified ethnic groups. The survey collects data on the age, sex and numbers of all young people who leave school during a given academic year and, for a 10 per cent sample of such leavers, information relating to their educational (academic) qualifications and their intended destination on leaving school.

2. This latest exercise, presented here, broadly replicates that which was conducted in respect of the School Leavers Survey for 1978/79, the results of which were published by the Committee in its interim report 'West Indian children in our schools' (1). For the earlier inquiry, six LEAs with high concentrations of children from ethnic minority groups who, between them, were believed to account for approximately one half of the school leavers of ethnic minorities in this country, agreed to cooperate with the committee and ask all maintained secondary schools in their areas to complete an ethnicity question contained in the School Leavers Survey questionnaire relating to the 10 per cent sample of leavers.

3. Because of the degree of interest accorded to these results, the Committee asked for the renewed cooperation of the authorities in carrying out a repeat exercise to be conducted under the auspices of the 1981/82 School Leavers Survey. The main teacher unions, local authority association and the Chief Education Officers of the LEAs concerned were again consulted and all but one of the LEAs agreed to cooperate. The results contained in this paper thus relate to five authorities.

4. The response to the School Leavers Survey was again of a high order with approximately 99 per cent of the school leavers from the 5 LEAs being allocated to one of the nine specified ethnic group classifications. As a result, information on qualification and destination was obtained on 1317 Asian, African or West Indian school leavers. The Asian category was composed of five sub-groups: Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, East African Asian and 'other' Asian; the last sub-group included children for whom a more precise category was either not appropriate or was not known. None of these sub-groups contained a large number of school leavers and consequently the results for individual sub-groups are subject to considerable sampling error. In general, because of the small sample sizes involved differences between sub-groups in their characteristics are not likely to be statistically significant and therefore the results presented in this paper refer solely to the combined Asian group.

5. The West Indian group contained 653 school leavers and constitutes a group which is referred to in the tables and commented on in the text. The small numbers of African or undifferentiated West Indian/African leavers have been combined with those leavers whose ethnicity was not recorded to form a third, specified, group under the heading 'all other.' The following paragraphs accordingly present results for these three Asian, West Indian and 'other' category groups and compare them individually with, firstly, their combination - which forms a group of all leavers from the 5 LEAs - and with the overall results for all children leaving maintained schools in England for 1981/82.

(1) Cmnd 8273 June 1981

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6. In order to maximise the usefulness of the data collected by both School Leaver Surveys, the results put forward in this paper show the information collected by the 1978/79 survey reworked onto the five LEA basis. Only very small differences have occurred between these summary results and those previously published.

7. A note on the compilation of sampling errors and of the likely statistical significance of any changes in proportion between the results of the two surveys is given in the Appendix to this paper.

Main Results

Age of School Leavers

8. Table 1 shows the percentage distribution by age - at the beginning of the academic year during which the children left school- by sex and differentiated between the specified categories of school leaver. Those aged 15 at the beginning of the academic year are normally in the fifth form and attain school leaving age during that year and those aged 16 are normally in the first year sixth, and so forth.

9. The Table shows that girls, noticeably those from ethnic minorities, are more likely to stay on at school past the school leaving age than boys. Half of Asian school leavers do so after completing at least one year in the sixth form. These results suggest that West Indian children, more especially the boys, increased their propensity to stay on into the sixth form and that for this group they are now almost as likely to stay on to the sixth form as the group formed by the broad range of non-specified ethnic leavers. However, only 12 per cent of West Indian children stay on into the second year sixth, or later, compared with 25 per cent of Asian children and 17 per cent of all English school leavers. For all school leavers from the five LEAs, taken as a group, compared with the average for all school leavers in England, both boys and girls tend to leave school at the school leaving age with less frequency but then to participate to a greater degree in only one more year of study taken in the sixth form. The proportion of children staying on to the second year sixth and beyond is very nearly the same in the five LEAs as it is in England generally.

Destination and Type of Course to be followed

10. Table 2 shows the percentage distribution by destination of school leavers. It shows that only 1 per cent of West Indians went to university compared with 5 per cent of all maintained school leavers.

11. There was a statistically significant increase between the two surveys in the proportions of each ethnic group pursuing some form of full-time further education on leaving school (other than a degree course). This was more marked for ethnic minority school leavers than for other leavers. Asians and West Indian children were much more likely to leave school to follow full-time further education in 1981/82 than were the 'other' leavers within the five LEAs and as compared with all maintained school leavers generally. Accompanying this rise there was an offsetting, and statistically significant, decrease in the proportion of children in all school leaver categories leaving for employment.

12. Whereas 10 per cent of all children in England leave school to a destination not known by their Headteacher, one fifth of leavers from the 5 LEAs exhibit this characteristic. For Asian school leavers, the proportion was 28 per cent.

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TABLE 1 Age of school leavers from maintained secondary schools

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1. Introduction

1.1 In this chapter we attempt to offer an overview of the way in which the range of specialist measures, approaches to teaching and educational principles which have come to be known collectively as 'multicultural' education have evolved over the last twenty years or so and then to reflect on the state of multicultural education today. In so doing we seek to identify the various strands of the debate and the concerns of the ethnic minority communities, as well as examining central government policies and pronouncements and the response of LEAs and individual schools. We have sought to stand back from the tide of often-heated argument, debate and invective which today surrounds the whole area of the educational needs of ethnic minority children, and the issue of how schools in 'all-white' areas should be preparing their pupils for life in a multi-racial society, and examine critically some of the basic assumptions which have influenced and to some extent still underlie policy making from central government and local government level to the individual school and the individual teacher in the classroom.

2. Early Educational Responses to Immigration

2.1 Although children from a range of different ethnic backgrounds have long been present in this country, it is only since the early 1950s, with the sharp rise in immigration from Commonwealth countries, that the changing nature of British society and the fact that this might have particular implications for education has been seen as an issue. It is generally accepted that attitudes towards the educational needs of ethnic minority pupils fall into a clearly defined chronological pattern, moving from the early days of what is usually termed 'assimilation', through attempts to give at least some recognition in schools to the backgrounds of ethnic minority children - usually known as 'integration' - to the more recent moves towards multicultural education. We deal with each of these phases in turn.

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Assimilation

Language Needs and 'Culture Shock'

2.2 The initial response of the education system to the arrival of increasing numbers of immigrant children in schools during the late 1950s and early 1960s was to focus on absorbing them into the majority pupil population as rapidly as possible. The major obstacles to achieving this were seen as first and foremost the children's lack of expertise in the English language, coupled with the disorientation which they were felt to experience on arrival in a new country: commonly known as 'culture shock'. It is interesting to recall that in view of this focus on language as the major 'problem', children from the West Indies were considered to have no particular educational needs. For other immigrant children, from non-English speaking families, as the DES Circular 7/65 (1) put it:

'From the beginning the major educational task is the teaching of English.'

Dispersal

2.3 Another major concern of the assimilationist phase of the educational response to immigrant children, which appears to have arisen as much for political as educational reasons, was the officially sanctioned and indeed encouraged attempts at 'dispersing' these children between different schools in an attempt to 'spread the problem' and avoid any school becoming predominantly immigrant in character (mirroring of course the thinking behind moves in the United States towards bussing 'black' children in certain areas). The 1964 report of the Commonwealth Immigrants Advisory Council (CIAC) (2) expressed the concerns of many in education at the time about the possible effects of a school having large numbers of immigrant pupils, as follows:

'The presence of a high proportion of immigrant children in one class slows down the general routine of working and hampers the progress of the whole class, especially where the immigrants do not speak or write English fluently. This is clearly in itself undesirable and unfair to all the children in the class ... The

(2) Second Report by The Commonwealth Immigrants Advisory Council. Cmnd 2266. HMSO. February 1964.

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evidence we have received strongly suggests that if a school has more than a certain percentage of immigrant children among its pupils the whole character and ethos of the school is altered. Immigrant pupils in such a school will not get as good an introduction to British life as they would get in a normal school, and we think their education in the widest sense must suffer as a result ... we were concerned by the evidence we received that there were schools in certain parts of the country containing an extremely high proportion of immigrant children. Moreover, the evidence from one or two areas showed something a good deal more disturbing than a rise in the proportion of immigrant children in certain schools; it showed a tendency towards the creation of predominantly immigrant schools, partly because of the increase in the number of immigrant children in certain neighbourhoods, but also partly because some parents tend to take native-born children away from schools when the proportion of immigrant pupils exceeds a level which suggests to them that the school is becoming an immigrant school. If this trend continues. both the social and the educational consequences might be very grave.'

'If possible, it is desirable on education grounds that no one school should have more than about 30 per cent of immigrants ... I must regretfully tell the House that one school must be regarded now as irretrievably an immigrant school. The important thing to do is to prevent this happening elsewhere.'

'It is inevitable that, as the proportion of immigrant children in a school or class increases, the problems will become more difficult to solve, and the chances of assimilation more remote. How far any given proportion of immigrant children can be absorbed with benefit to both sides depends on, among other

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of immigrant children who are proficient in English; the dividing line cannot be precisely defined. Experience suggests, however, that ... up to a fifth of immigrant children in any group fit in with reasonable ease, but that, if the proportion goes over about one third either in the school as a whole or in anyone class, serious strains arise. It is therefore desirable that the catchment areas of schools should, wherever possible, be arranged to avoid undue concentrations of immigrant children. Where this proves impracticable simply because the school serves an area which is occupied largely by immigrants, every effort should be made to disperse the immigrant children round a greater number of schools and to meet such problems of transport as may arise.'

'It will be helpful if the parents of non-immigrant children can see that practical measures have been taken to deal with the problems in the schools, and that the progress of their own children is not being restricted by the undue preoccupation of the teaching staff with the linguistic and other difficulties of immigrant children.'

'The whole question of the educational effect of dispersal schemes was given only cursory attention when the policy was first proposed. For some, the point of the policy was to make life easier for teachers in schools which would normally have large intakes of children of immigrants. For others, the policy was a way of preventing the development of 'all immigrant' schools, which were per se undesirable. For still others, dispersal was an

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essential basis for cultural assimilation, including the learning of English ... Little or no thought had been devoted to a clear analysis of the nature and the extent of the educational needs of the immigrants. It was wrongly assumed that an influx of immigrant pupils into a school automatically hampered the chances of native English children in the school and that the children were competitors for the teacher's attention under all circumstances ... Official policy gave the accurate impression of having been devised under the pressure of circumstances and based on received ideas. Central to both was the concept that, as a result of the coming of immigrant pupils, the schools were changing for the worse ... The official dispersal policy, with its emphasis on preserving the normal routine of a school, was in a sense a Canute-like attempt to prevent change.'

2.6 In order to provide the statistical basis for the dispersal policy and also to quantify the degree of language need, the DES initiated, in 1966, the collection of statistics on 'immigrant' children, through Form 7(i) returns, which sought information on children who were themselves immigrants or had been born in this country to immigrant parents who had arrived in the previous ten years. By implication these statistics suggested that after ten years in Britain an immigrant family would cease to suffer from any educational difficulties that could be attributed to immigration and racial difference. Financial support for the government's overall strategy at this time was made under Section 11 of the Local government Act 1966 whereby the Home Office provided a 50 per cent (later to become 75 per cent) grant to local authorities who were required to make special provision in the exercise of any of their functions in consequence of the presence within their areas of substantial numbers of immigrants from the Commonwealth:

'whose language or customs differ from those of the community.'

2.7 The assimilationist phase can thus be seen as characterised by ad hoc responses to the educational needs of immigrant pupils designed on the one hand to 'compensate' for their assumed 'deficiencies' - primarily in being non-English speaking - and on the other hand to disrupt the education of indigenous children as

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little as possible. Above all the assimilationist approach seems to have recognised the existence of a single cultural criterion which was 'white', Christian and English-speaking, and to have failed to acknowledge any wider implications of the changing nature of British society. Despite subsequent developments in policy making in this field the two most tangible manifestations of this approach: separate language centres and the policy of the dispersal or bussing of ethnic minority pupils continued long after policy makers would claim that the days of assimilationist thinking were behind them - language centres still being in existence in some parts of the country today, and bussing having continued in one LEA until 1979. The major source of funding for educational activities in relation to the needs of ethnic minorities also remains Section 11, which as we have seen not only took a somewhat limited view of the extent of educational need but was also designed to support the overall policy of assimilation.

Integration
2.8 Even while the official focus remained on the need to assimilate ethnic minority pupils as quickly as possible into majority society, many of the teachers who were working in multi-racial schools had come to feel that the education process should give some recognition to the differences in lifestyle and cultural and religious background of ethnic minority children - what became known as integration. As HMI Eric Bolton has recalled (5):

'Contrary to the assimilationist belief that, given English language fluency, the immigrant would disappear into the crowd, those arguing for integration claimed that a much more planned and detailed education and social programme needed to be undertaken if immigrants were to be able to integrate with the majority society. The emphasis was still upon integrating the minorities with the majority society and culture so that a culturally homogeneous society would be created. This meant that it was up to the minorities to change and adapt, and there was little or no pressure upon the majority society to modify or change its prevailing attitudes or practices. However, to enable integration to take place, it was argued that the majority society needed to be more aware of historical and cultural factors affecting different minorities. Knowledge and awareness would enable the majority society to make allowances for differences in lifestyle, culture and religion that might make it difficult for some immigrant groups to integrate with British society and would help to avoid the embarrassing mistakes that could arise from ignorance.'

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The need for teachers to have an awareness of the backgrounds of ethnic minority pupils was acknowledged in official policies and publications from the late 1960s onwards. In order to foster this increased awareness, the integrationist phase was characterised by a proliferation of 'relevant information' in the form of in-service courses on 'life in the countries of origin', visits to India or the West Indies and an increase in the number of books and other materials depicting ethnic minorities in their 'native surroundings'. The emphasis was almost exclusively upon ethnic minority pupils as immigrants from other countries rather than as an integral part of British society (although there were by this time increasing numbers of British-born second-generation children), and in many cases inaccurate or damaging stereotypes, which still persist today, were perpetuated or even created.

2.9 In practice there was little real difference between the assimilationist and integrationist viewpoints in that they shared the common aim of absorbing ethnic minority communities within society with as little disruption to the life of the majority community as possible. Whilst the integrationist stance went at least some way towards acknowledging that the lifestyles of the ethnic minority communities were valid in their own right, it failed to consider the broader implications for the traditional perception of the 'British way of life' which the presence of communities with such diverse backgrounds might have in the longer term. Indeed, looking back some ten years later on its policies during the 1960s, the government itself summarised (6) its objectives in the following rather limited and negative terms:

'i. to help create a climate in schools in which colour and race were not divisive and which would give all immigrant children opportunities for personal development in their new environment;

ii. to ensure that building programmes and teacher quotas reflected the needs of areas with large numbers of immigrant pupils;

iii. to offer advice and practical help to teachers faced with the challenge of teaching immigrant children;

iv. to safeguard against any lowering of standards, due to the presence of large numbers of non-English speaking children, which might adversely affect the progress of other children;

v. to encourage and promote relevant research.'

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Our view

2.10 In view of the philosophy which we put forward at the opening of this report, for the development of a pluralist society and our rejection of the notion of the assimilation of ethnic minority groups within the majority community as both undesirable and unworkable, it is hardly surprising that we regard both the assimilationist and integrationist educational responses to the needs of ethnic minority pupils as, in retrospect, misguided and ill-founded. Regrettably, however, many of the legacies of these early days still underlie much of the thinking and discussion about the educational needs of ethnic minority groups and have also, we believe, distorted the nature and development of the broader concept of multicultural education, quite apart from the residual physical manifestations of the period such as separate language centres. For example, the negative stereotypes of certain ethnic minority groups which were established and which still persist, the seemingly automatic assumption by some teachers that an ethnic minority pupil will experience, and may well cause, problems, and, above all perhaps, the underlying suspicion that the arrival of ethnic minority pupils has meant that schools have changed for the worse and that their presence poses a threat both to traditional educational standards and to the educational well-being of ethnic majority pupils.

3. The Emergence of Multicultural Education

Widely Varying Interpretations

3.1 We now look at the various factors which have influenced the emergence, over the past decade or so, of what has generally been termed 'multicultural' education. This concept is far from being clearly defined and explained, and although many people have attempted to put forward their own widely-varying definitions of multicultural education none of these can be said to have gained universal acceptance in the education world, especially in the absence of any detailed guidance from government. Although many teachers, especially those in multi-racial schools have increasingly come to accept that multicultural education is a valid concept, we have found in our own visits and discussions, that interpretations as to what changes in policy or teaching practices are actually required, vary enormously and it seems clear that, despite the proliferation in recent years of books, courses and conferences concerned with this issue, in the words of the second NFER review of research:

'In a very real and pressing sense the aims of education await to be rewritten ... the very lack of a definition of multicultural education has permitted not only the widest theoretical interpretations and broadest policy objectives, but also a considerable mismatch between these and educational practices.'

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Two Distinct Themes

3.2 The most obvious difference between the early days of assimilation and integration, and the concept of multicultural education is that, whereas the former focused primarily on seeking to 'remedy' the perceived 'problems' of ethnic minority children and to 'compensate' for their perceived 'disabilities', multicultural education has usually tended to have two distinct themes - firstly, meeting the particular educational needs of ethnic minority children and secondly, the broader issue of preparing all pupils for life in a multi-racial society. These two themes are of course very much interrelated and indeed in our view, interdependent, but in order to seek to disentangle the developments which have taken place in the field of multicultural education, we shall consider each of them in turn.

3.3 The Educational Needs of Ethnic Minority Children

The Changing Nature of the Debate

The 'Failure' of Assimilation

3.3.1 By the late 1960s and early 1970s there was a growing realisation that the policies of assimilation and integration had failed to achieve their objectives - many ethnic minority pupils clearly still had educational needs which existing policies were proving unable to meet. On the broader level ethnic minority groups as a whole had not 'disappeared', as seems to have been hoped, by being absorbed by the majority community and the essential naivety of expecting the immigrant communities to be accepted by the indigenous majority as equal citizens of this country had been exposed by the rising tide of racial prejudice and hostility. Efforts by the government to stem this tide had proved largely ineffective, especially since successive governments had also passed Immigration Acts and Rules which were clearly intended to, and had the effect of, excluding people of non-European descent from this country. The Race Relations Acts of 1965 and 1968 and the establishment of the Race Relations Board and the Community Relations Commission (the forerunners of today's Commission for Racial Equality) - see paragraphs 3.3.19 and 3.3.20 below - whilst providing an indication of the government's growing concern about racial disharmony and racial prejudice, did not have the same impact on public opinion at the time as did Enoch Powell's 'rivers of blood' speech in the Spring of 1968.

Communities' Concerns

3.3.2 Meanwhile, there was growing concern about the apparent underachievement of West Indian pupils who, according to assimilationist beliefs, should have had little difficulty in 'settling down'. The concern of some educationists about the generally low performance of West Indian pupils was matched if not exceeded by mounting concern in the West Indian community itself about this

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issue and about the specific question of the allegedly disproportionately high number of West Indian children who were finding themselves in schools for the educationally sub-normal. This latter concern was given fervent expression in 1971 in the polemical pamphlet 'How the West Indian Child is Made Educationally Subnormal in the British School System' (7). Thus a new dimension had entered the debate on ethnic minority education - the ethnic minority communities themselves, now established in this country, had begun to voice their own concerns about their children's education, which in some cases differed from the concerns of the education system.

Curriculum Content

3.3.3 The West Indian community's concerns covered a range of different issues amongst these a belief that the language needs of West Indian pupils were not sufficiently catered for or understood, which was seen as a major factor in their misclassification as educationally sub-normal or 'remedial'. Concern was also felt about the curriculum content of subjects such as history and geography and the need to avoid negative or offensive references to 'black people'. The following extract from evidence presented to the Select Committee on Race Relations and Immigration (SCORRI) (8) in 1972/73 by a West Indian community organisation illustrates these concerns:

'In educational terms a lot has been said of teaching in a multi-racial school, but not enough thought has been given to the way in which such a school should be organised, the books used, the type of teachers, the type of material read in the schools. Are multi-racial schools to continue to be English schools which let in Black children? We believe that such a school should reflect the contribution by and participation of all ethnic groups. Through the teaching of geography, history, drama, music, literature, West Indians could be seen as contributing to the school curriculum. Books used now not only ignore the presence of such children, but some, like 'Black Sambo', are in our estimation racist and help to perpetuate the stereotyping that could only be divisive in a school community.'

3.3.4 At this time there were also calls from the West Indian community, influenced perhaps by developments in the USA, for the introduction of 'Black Studies' as a discrete subject within the curriculum, primarily as a means of reinforcing West Indian pupils' self-image - as illustrated by the following further extract from the SCORRI evidence:

(7) 'How the West Indian Child is Made Educationally Sub-normal in the British School System.' B Coard. New Beacon Books. 1971.

(8) 'Education.' Report of the Select Committee on Race Relations and Immigration. 1972-3. HMSO. HC 405 I-III.

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'... many of the difficulties experienced by black people, particularly the youth in this country, are either caused through or exacerbated by what some of us would like to think of as a crisis of identity. This in turn is motivated by an inadequate knowledge of their past history and a lack of proper visual inspirational aid, current in the educational process of the United Kingdom ... the inclusion of Black Study Courses in the school curriculum would be of inestimable value ... The black child goes to a white school, he is taught by white teachers, he sees pictures of white persons, he uses books written by white craftsmen, he hears and sings songs about white people, he learns poems written by white people about white people. All this necessarily accustoms him to appreciation of white values only. This largely accounts for the obvious gap in mutual appreciation between black and white in Britain today. The primary purpose of Black Studies is the adjustment of this imbalance, and to help black people in this country, particularly the children who try desperately, as one writer puts it, to escape from the 'prisons of their skins.'

3.3.5 Calls for 'Black Studies' were often coupled with calls for more teachers who were themselves of West Indian origin since it was felt that they would be better able to understand the needs of West Indian pupils and to further reinforce the pupils' self-image and motivation by acting as models of 'successful' West Indians.

'Supplementary' Schools

From the late 1960s onwards there was also a proliferation of West Indian 'supplementary' schools - community-based classes held in the evenings or at weekends where West Indian pupils could not only receive additional help from West Indian teachers with their mainstream school work, but could also learn about their community's background and cultural heritage in what was seen as a 'supportive' environment.

3.3.6 During the 1970s the emphasis shifted from advocating specific 'separate' provision within mainstream schools - in the form of Black Studies - to a greater desire to see aspects of West Indian language and culture included within the existing curriculum. This changing emphasis was reflected in much of the evidence submitted to the SCORRI when it devoted its 1976-7 session to considering the West Indian community (9). One of the major recommendations of the Select Committee's report was for an inquiry into the education of West Indian pupils which in turn of course led to the establishment of this Committee, with a rather wider brief but still with the needs of West Indian pupils foremost amongst our concerns.

(9) 'The West Indian Community.' Report of the Select Committee on Race Relations and Immigration. 1976/7. HMSO. HC 180-1.

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Concerns of the Asian Community

3.3.7 During the lifetime of this Committee, there has been a marked shift in emphasis from the previous focus on the West Indian situation, to greater concern about aspects of the educational experience of pupils from the various Asian groups. Since the Asian community became established in this country rather later than the West Indian community, it is hardly surprising that only in recent years have Asian parents, teachers and community representatives begun to make known their concerns about their children's education. Whilst sharing some of the concerns already voiced by the West Indian community about, for example, the balance and content of the curriculum, the need for more teachers drawn from their own community, and above all, the pervasive influence of racism both within schools and in the wider society, the Asian community has also broadened the debate considerably by raising two further issues: firstly, the responsibility of the education system for the maintenance and teaching of the children's 'mother tongue' languages; and, secondly, whether existing schools can provide an educational environment which parents will find acceptable in terms of their religious beliefs - for example in relation to religious education and pastoral matters.

'Mother Tongue'

3.3.8 Interest within education circles about the first of these issues - 'mother tongue' - can be seen to date back to the discussion in the Bullock Report (10) of the language needs of 'children from families of overseas origin', which as well as stressing the need for a positive attitude to West Indian dialect, also emphasised the significance of there being large numbers of pupils in British schools with 'mother tongues' other than English, thus:

'Their bilingualism is of great importance to the children and their families, and also to society as a whole. In a linguistically conscious nation in the modern world we should see it as an asset, as something to be nurtured, and one of the agencies which should nurture it is the school. Certainly the school should adopt a positive attitude to its pupils' bilingualism and wherever possible should help maintain and deepen their knowledge of their mother tongues.'

(10) 'A Language for Life.' Report of a Committee of Inquiry Chaired by Sir Alan Bullock. HMSO. 1975.

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Directive on the Education of Children of Migrant Workers in 1977 which was seen by many community leaders as entitling ethnic minority children to 'mother tongue teaching'. In recent years therefore the 'mother tongue' issue has come to be seen as a central issue in the debate on multicultural education and we therefore discuss this issue in some detail in our Chapter on Language.

Pastoral Matters

3.3.9 Concern about what can broadly be termed pastoral matters has been felt by Asian parents and particularly Muslims since the early days of their arrival in this country when their children first entered school and were confronted with facilities for meals and dress which brought them into direct conflict with the requirements of their religious beliefs. Strength of feeling about such matters has increased as the size of the Asian pupil population has grown and as the concentration of Asian pupils in particular schools and areas has become more marked. The world-wide resurgence of Islam and the accompanying emphasis on fundamental Islamic principles since the beginning of the decade has also clearly had a direct bearing on the Muslim community in this country, causing them to be more vociferous and determined in their efforts to bring about changes in the 'rules and regulations' affecting such matters within schools and encouraging parents to recognise and respect their religious 'rights and duties' in relation to their children's education.

'Separate' Schools

The logical conclusion of such moves has been seen by some sections of these communities as the establishment of their own voluntary or independent schools and we discuss the implications of this trend which has received considerable publicity in recent months - in our Chapter on Religion and the Role of the School later in this report.

3.3.10 It is important to recognise that neither West Indian nor Asian parents, as distinct from some teachers and community workers from these groups, have pressed for what could be described as 'multicultural' education involving all pupils. In expressing their concerns about specific issues, such as a school's treatment of West Indian language or its policies with regard to meals or uniform, the parents have simply sought to improve the educational provision which their children receive. Certainly our own discussions with parents have tended to focus on specific issues such as 'mother tongue' or racism in school textbooks, rather than on the educational experience as a whole. Multicultural education can thus perhaps be seen as the response of the education system - educational theorists, educational administrators and teachers - to the wide range of concerns expressed by ethnic minority communities, as well as to the 'problems' experienced by multi-racial schools in catering for the needs of their pupils. In seeking to encompass such a wide and varied range of concerns and interests it is perhaps hardly surprising that firm definitions and analyses of multicultural education prove so elusive.

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Criticisms of Multicultural Education

3.3.11 The concept of multicultural education has of course had its critics, quite apart from those people who have simply rejected it out of hand as 'progressive, left-wing, trendy nonsense'. One of the major criticisms has been of the emphasis on 'culture' - a term which is itself rarely clearly defined and is thus open to a myriad of interpretations - and which is often seen as avoiding the more central issues of race, prejudice and power. Multicultural education has also been criticised for failing to face up to or challenge what is regarded as the most fundamental influence on the situation of ethnic minorities in this country i.e. racism. Adherents of this view have argued that a consideration of the origins and influence' of racism' should be integral features of an education process which truly seeks to prepare all pupils for life in a multi-racial society. As one writer has put it (11):

'Racist attitudes and low teacher expectations arising from negative and demeaning stereotypes do exist and have to be come to terms with and changed. This, in turn, will require fundamental changes of attitude, the first step along the road to which is the recognition of the social and ethnic discrimination legitimised by the educational system which we have constructed. To make such a statement is not to place in question the immense good will of the vast majority of teachers, not to label them as racists, but rather to draw attention to their role in servicing a system which has institutionalised racial and social discrimination so effectively.'

'As interpreted and practised by many, multi-racial education has appeared to become an instrument of control and stability rather than one of change, of the subordination rather than the freedom of blacks in schools and or society as a whole. In the context of schools and against a wider societal background of institutionalised racism, multi-racial education programmes, from the assimilationist's view on English teaching to the integrationist's stance on multicultural and black studies, have in fact integrally contributed to the increased alienation of black

(12) Chapter on 'Multiracial Education in Britain: From Assimilation to Cultural Pluralism' by Dr C Mullard from 'Race Migration and Schooling.' ed. J Tierney. Holt Education. 1982.

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youth. To be told, however politely and cleverly, that your culture and history count for nothing is to invoke responses ranging from low self esteem and lack of confidence ... to political opposition and resistance. To be told that your culture and history count for something only within the pedagogic boundaries of the school curriculum and not outside the school gates in the white dominated world of work and politics is to foster the response of a 'blacks only for the black studies class'. To be goaded to integrate politically and then in practice to take up your place at the bottom of society with as much of your culture intact as is permitted is, to extend Gus John's conclusion, a madness that not even a mad and subordinated black can any longer contemplate. Simply, what multi-racial education, as viewed in British schools, is teaching black pupils is that they will always remain second-class citizens; and, ironically, that in order to survive or exist as blacks it is necessary to resist racist authority within and outside school.'

'... MRE (Multiracial education) is conceptually unsound ... its theoretical and practical implications have not been worked out and ... it represents a developing feature of urban education aimed at 'watering down' the curriculum and 'cooling out' black city children while at the same time creating for teachers, both radical and liberal, the illusion that they are doing something special/or a particularly disadvantaged group. Many of the ideas of MRE draw upon the social-pathology analysis of the black personality, lifestyle and family arrangements. Although explicitly rejecting labels of inferiority it argues instead for 'difference' - meaning exactly the same thing ... The aims of multi-racial education are tied in with the cultural deprivation theory which aims to compensate working-class children for being culturally deprived (of middle class culture) and black children for not being white ... it takes schools and teachers away from their central concern which is basically teaching or instructing children in the knowledge and skills essential to life in this society. It effectively reduces choice and creates dependence on experts and professionals which undermines the individual's own capacity to cope.'

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3.3.14 In our interim report we noted the tendency of some schools to regard multicultural education simply as a separate 'module' added on to the existing formal curriculum and as catering solely for ethnic minority pupils. This approach has been described as the 'steel band syndrome' since, in schools with West Indian pupils, it often takes the form of encouraging these pupils to establish their own steel band thus, in theory at least, respecting their cultural identity and manifesting the 'multicultural awareness' of the school. To some extent, such a response can be seen to derive from the West Indian community's own calls, in the 1960s, for 'Black Studies', although as we have seen, the community has now moved away from advocating such separate provision. In relation to the Asian community however the situation is rather more complex since some of the educational measures for which they have pressed - most notably religious instruction and the maintenance of 'mother tongue' languages - can in some respects be seen to necessitate such 'separate' provision. On the general level, however, the inherent attractiveness of relying on such 'special' provision to meet the needs of ethnic minority pupils can easily be discerned in view of the continuing desire of many in education to adhere to one of the fundamental principles of the assimilationist philosophy - that whatever provision is made for ethnic minority pupils, there should be as little disturbance as possible of the education of their indigenous peers. This view is summed up in the following quotation from the 1973 Report of the Select Committee on Race Relations and Immigration:

'... in understanding and providing for the difficulties of minorities, care has to be taken not to overcome them by reversing well-tried policies or, in deference to real or imagined susceptibilities, by bending a system evolved to suit the majority so far as to unhinge it altogether.'

3.3.15 During the last few years the debate on multicultural education has begun to shift again, towards a greater emphasis on the role of education in challenging and countering racism, both within schools and in the wider society. This change in emphasis can be seen as one aspect of the generally increasing level of awareness of the existence of racism combined with the greater willingness to discuss its possible effects, which we noted at the beginning of our Chapter on Racism. Our own interim report and Lord Scarman's report have of course also helped to focus attention on this issue, as have the activities of 'concerned' organisations such as the National Union of Teachers, which, in its booklet 'Combating Racism in Schools' (14), made the following comments:

(14) 'Combating Racism in Schools. A Union Policy Statement: guidance for members.' NUT. March 1983 (revised edition).

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'Teachers in schools have a responsibility to educate their pupils for life in a multi-racial, culturally diverse society. Their task is hampered by racial attitudes and prejudices present in society which affect pupils in schools and the climate in which they learn. The Union believes that a positive approach to multicultural education will be strengthened by a firm stand on the part of teachers in combating racism in schools ...'

The role of teachers

3.3.16 Another of the major focuses of multicultural education has increasingly been the role of teachers and the extent to which the teaching force as a whole is equipped both to cater for the particular needs of ethnic minority pupils and also to prepare all children for life in a multi-racial society. As HMI Eric Bolton has observed however, again in his article on the development of multicultural education (see paragraph 2.8):

'The complexity of the educational and social issues involved gives teachers a very onerous and difficult task to perform - a task most of them were not prepared for in their teacher training nor in their own experiences of life.'

'Not all teachers have immigrant children in their classes but all teachers should have some knowledge of the problems and opportunities of a multi-racial society ... Those responsible for planning the social studies undertaken in training colleges will, we hope, bear in mind that future British society is going to contain citizens of many races.'

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Policies of Central Government

General Policies Relating to Immigration and Nationality

3.3.17 Having looked briefly at the way in which the focus of multicultural education has changed over the past decade or so and the various factors which have influenced the debate about its aims and objectives, we now need to consider the way in which the policies of central government relating to ethnic minorities during this period have responded to and reflected these various needs and concerns. Before considering the specifically 'educational' aspects of central government's policies in relation to the needs of ethnic minority groups, it may be worthwhile recalling briefly the development of successive governments' overall policies towards 'immigrants' on the broader level.

3.3.18 From 1947 onwards the general welfare of what were then perceived as 'colonial' peoples coming to work and settle in Britain was the responsibility of the Colonial Office Welfare Service. In 1956, the Colonial Office set up the British Caribbean Welfare Service, which subsequently moved out of the Colonial Office and assumed an independent existence. The Home Office then became responsible for colonial, or Commonwealth immigrants' affairs, since the policies being proposed, but not yet implemented, for tackling 'immigration' fell into two categories: control over entry, and laws against racial discrimination. Very little positive action of any kind was undertaken at this time by central government to inform or assist the ethnic minorities. The Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1962 was concerned entirely with controlling the entry and settlement of colonial and Commonwealth citizens, and no attempt was made at the time to legislate against discrimination: the only positive step was to establish a Commonwealth Immigrants Advisory Council to review the situation. Positive action was thus left entirely to voluntary effort.

3.3.19 In 1964 the then government established a Department of Economic Affairs with a Minister with specific responsibility for co-ordinating policy on immigrants. But in 1965 a White Paper on immigration (15), despite including a section on the positive economic benefits of immigration and the lack of problems caused by it, introduced proposals for limiting Commonwealth immigration much more closely than before by a system of work vouchers and by new limitations on dependent relatives. Positive action was however taken to reshape the former Advisory Council into a National Committee for Commonwealth Immigrants (NCCI), which saw its role as the promotion and co-ordination of harmonious community

(15) 'Immigration from the Commonwealth.' Cmnd. 2739. HMSO. August 1965.

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relations. In the same year, the first Race Relations Act became law, and established a Race Relations Board, with virtually no powers except powers to 'conciliate', if it could, on receiving a complaint of discrimination within a very limited field which did not include housing, employment, or education. The Act also made racial incitement a criminal offence, but one where only the Attorney General could initiate a prosecution.

3.3.20 In 1968, two new laws were passed: a Commonwealth Immigrants Act which removed right of entry from British Asians in East Africa and a Race Relations Act, greatly widened in scope, to include housing, employment and many services, but again with very limited powers for the Board. The Act also established a new statutory body, the Community Relations Commission, to replace the NCCL The new Commission was given a larger budget and wider powers to grant-aid voluntary bodies on its own terms and to initiate projects. It developed some of the work already begun by the NCCI but unlike the NCCI, which had been appointed to advise the Prime Minister, it advised the Home Secretary on matters relating to Commonwealth immigrants, and 'community relations' in general. In 1969, an Immigration Appeals Act was passed, establishing a structure under which immigrants could appeal against refusal of entry, refusal to vary conditions of stay and, in some circumstances, against deportation. The provisions of this Act, with a few changes, were incorporated into the 1971 Immigration Act, which established a single regime of control on entry and after entry over aliens and Commonwealth citizens and also empowered the Home Secretary to make Immigration Rules at any time. From around 1970, by which time the entry of Commonwealth immigrants for work had virtually ceased under the increasingly strict requirements which the Department of Employment had established for work vouchers, ethnic minority affairs became almost entirely the responsibility of the Home Office. The emphasis of central government policy, and the bulk of expenditure, was on immigration control rather than upon community relations work and anti-discrimination initiatives. Wide though the theoretical scope of the bodies set up to deal with the latter two was, the positive achievements they could point to were small in comparison with the impact of successive Immigration Acts and Rules on the lives of ethnic minorities and upon public perceptions of 'immigration' and 'race'. As has been observed (16):

'... the effectiveness of the Race Relations Act is and will continue to be undermined by discriminatory immigration

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laws. The use of such laws to prevent immigration to Britain from the coloured Commonwealth inevitably impairs the Race Relations Board's endeavours to persuade employers' trade unions, local authorities and commercial undertakings to treat people regardless of colour or race, and encourages profound insecurity among Commonwealth immigrants in Britain.'

Educational Policies

3.3.22 Turning to education, the development of government thinking can, we feel, best be traced through a consideration of some of the major reports and publications which appeared at various times. DES Survey 13 'The Education of Immigrants', which was published in 1971, can be seen as following very closely the assumptions and objectives of central government pronouncements of the 1960s, with its continuing emphasis on the teaching of English, as:

'the most urgent single challenge facing the schools';

This report also, however, in seeking to emphasise the need for schools to have some knowledge of a pupil's home background, inadvertently included some of the clearest manifestations of stereotypes of different groups, most notably perhaps the following picture of a West Indian child and his home and family background which can in many respects, as we have already emphasised in our Racism Chapter, be seen to persist in the minds of many teachers even today:

'For the West Indian child the change can be more radical. He is accustomed to living together with two or three generations in the same house, dependent not so much on his mother as upon a number of adults among whom his grandmother holds a special place. The environment is one in which marriage is

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not always considered important in providing a secure basis for raising children, whilst family discipline may be strict and physical punishment for misbehaviour all too familiar. He leaves behind this often repressive, but affectionate and known home environment to join his mother from whom he may have been separated for several years, almost a stranger among new unknown brothers and sisters, possibly disliking and not fully accepted by the unknown father with whom his mother may be living, and perhaps, if very young, sent out to child-minders while his parents go out to work. Little wonder that the sense of insecurity these conditions create often brings in its train emotional disturbance and maladjustment and that in school such a child will often exhibit behaviour problems. He may be restless and boisterous, displaying hostility towards adults and other children, showing little ability to concentrate or to apply himself for long to the job in hand - or else retreat depressed and uncommunicative into a withdrawn world.'

'It is difficult to measure the contribution of dispersal or non-dispersal to the success or otherwise of an authority's policy for the education of immigrant children ... It remains for each local education authority to decide what its policy for the education of immigrant children should be, and it is hoped that authorities will keep their arrangements (including any dispersal arrangements) under review in the light of local developments and the changing educational needs of pupils.'

Whilst this line represented a marked lessening in the government's previous enthusiasm for dispersal, the report did not, as has been claimed, state that dispersal was wrong, and indeed, as we have already recalled, several LEAs continued to 'bus' ethnic minority children well into the 1970s. This report was also significant in that it acknowledged the existence of racism in society and the influence which this might have on teachers' attitudes:

'The (immigrant) child is very much a stranger in a strange land and may encounter hostility from members of the white community' ... 'Teachers and others in education need to recognise that they are no less prone than anyone else to feelings

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of prejudice or even acts of discrimination and to realise that their attitudes, their interests and their example to a very great extent shape the personalities of those in whose hands lies the fate of coming generations.'

- and also raised the question which was subsequently to dominate much of the thinking on ethnic minority education during the 1970s: whether the problems faced by immigrant children were in essence any different from those facing children from the majority community regarded as coming from 'disadvantaged' backgrounds. As the report observed:

'Some argue that where there are immigrant educational difficulties these differ in no way from those encountered in educating native-born children living in socially and culturally deprived areas. It is in such areas that very many immigrant children live - in the ugly, bare, built-up 'twilight areas' - badly housed, lacking social, cultural and recreational amenities, attending schools with frequent staff changes, in poor buildings. They share all the difficulties of environmental deprivation known to native-born children living in these same areas. They frequently appear to suffer the same emotional disturbance the same inarticulateness and difficulty with language, the same insecure approach to school and school work, the same unsatisfactory attitudes in social relationships - all of which affect their life and general progress in school.'

'To them it implied that 'immigrants' could be lumped together in a crude, undifferentiated way with the most unfortunate members of the indigenous community.'

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'Inner City' Dimension

Since the education system had not succeeded in devising an education appropriate to the needs of the disadvantaged indigenous communities, it was therefore suggested by implication that the needs of ethnic minority pupils were simply another aspect of this wider problem. A further dimension of this new stereotype of ethnic minorities as, by definition, disadvantaged was the correlation which was increasingly drawn between their situation and the 'plight' of the inner-cities which was the subject of increasing public concern during the 1970s. As the 1975 White Paper on 'Racial Discrimination' (18) put it:

'... the problems of racial disadvantage can be seen to occur typically in the context of an urban problem whose nature is only imperfectly understood. There is no modern industrial society which has not experienced a similar difficulty. None has so far succeeded in resolving it.'

SCORRI Report 1972-1973

3.3.23 The SCORRI report of 1972-1973 on Education expressed concern about a number of aspects of the education of ethnic minority children and put forward three main recommendations:

(18) 'Racial Discrimination,' Cmnd 6234. HMSO. September 1975.

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'First, that consideration be given to the establishment of a central fund to which local education authorities could apply for resources to meet the special educational needs of immigrant children and adults; second, the local education authorities should be required, as a condition of using the Department's resources and services, to report regularly and fully on the situation in their area and what they are doing about it; third, that an immigrant education advisory unit should be set up in the Department of Education and Science.'

The Government's response to the SCORRI report (19) reaffirmed the trend towards seeing ethnic minority needs within the overall context of disadvantage, as follows:

'Where immigrants and their descendants live in the older urban and industrial areas, the majority of their children are likely to share with the indigenous children of those areas the educational disadvantages associated with an impoverished environment. The Government believe that immigrant pupils will accordingly benefit increasingly from special help given to all those suffering from educational disadvantage. They accept the Select Committee's view that many of those born here, of all minority ethnic groups, will experience continuing difficulties, which must receive special attention from the education service. But others, including many children and adults of indigenous origin, also have particular problems to which the education service must respond; and in large, if not in complete, measure much the same effort and attention will be called for. The pattern of special help must thus provide for all those suffering educational disadvantage, taking account of the distinct needs of different ethnic groups and of individuals, whatever their origin ... The Government believe that it is necessary to make more formal arrangements for the development of the work which is now being done on the education of immigrants and education for a multi-racial society. But they also see a need to provide for all those suffering from educational disadvantage, and ... they have decided that the arrangements which they create, while allowing for any distinct educational needs of different ethnic groups, should have this broader concern.'

The Government accordingly set up a specialist Educational Disadvantage Unit (EDU) within the DES to oversee '... matters, at all stages of education, connected with educational disadvantage and

(19) 'Educational Disadvantage and the Educational Needs of Immigrants.' Cmnd 5720. HMSO. August 1974.

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the education of immigrants' and charged it with setting up an 'information centre' relating to its field of interest - subsequently established as the Centre for Information and Advice on Educational Disadvantage (CED). The Select Committee's recommendation for a 'central fund' was rejected on the grounds that Section 11 (which as we have already seen was firmly rooted in the assimilationist tradition) and the Urban Aid programme (again identifying ethnic minorities simply as 'inner-city dwellers') already catered for the needs of 'immigrants' and that the concept of a central fund might undermine local authorities' autonomy. It is perhaps hardly surprising that these further indications of the government's view of ethnic minority needs under the overall heading of 'disadvantage' were opposed by many ethnic minority representatives at the time.

Ethnically Based Statistics

The Select Committee report had discussed the appropriateness and validity of the 7(i) statistics of 'immigrant' children which the DES had continued to collect (see paragraph 2.6 above). They had concluded that the definitions used were unsatisfactory and that the data obtained did not accordingly reflect the multi-racial mix of school populations and had recommended therefore that:

'The collection of statistics under the present formula should cease forthwith.'

SCORRI Report 1976/1977

3.3.24 SCORRI devoted its 1976/77 session to considering the West Indian community. (20) In its evidence to them, the DES reiterated the view that the needs of the West Indian community had much in common with those of the disadvantaged sections of the indigenous community:

'... the West Indian community suffers disproportionately from some disadvantages which can be seen to depress the educational performance of indigenous children too - such as high proportions of families with the main breadwinner in unskilled work or in poor housing ... the phenomenon of low average attainment will not disappear with the ending of

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immigration from the Caribbean ... For (immigrants) from the West Indies ... it is generally argued that in many respects they need not so much discrete provision as better opportunities to benefit from educational services, which should also be open to indigenous people with similar needs ....'

'... the relative underachievement of West Indian children seriously affects their future employment prospects and is a matter of major importance both in educational terms and in the context of race relations. They (i.e. the Select Committee) regard the assumption of its continuance as unacceptable.'

Accordingly they recommended the establishment of 'a high level and independent inquiry into the causes of the underachievement of children of West Indian origin'. In response to this recommendation the government of course established this Committee with a broader remit than originally proposed, in response to the concerns expressed about the educational needs of children from the whole range of ethnic minority groups, as well as about the preparation of all pupils for life in a multi-racial and culturally diverse society.

Closure of CED

3.3.25 We now turn to considering government policies during our own lifetime and although in some respects the very existence of this Committee had led to something of a hiatus in policy making in this field there have been several developments which it may be helpful to recall here. In November 1979 the Secretary of State announced his intention to close the Centre for Educational Disadvantage (CED), (see paragraph 3.3.23 above), on the grounds that it had:

'not wholly fulfilled the expectations raised at its foundation and continued grant aid would not provide value for money in meeting the needs of the educationally disadvantaged.' (21)

(21) House of Commons Hansard Fifth Series Vol 973 Col 729 15 November 1979.

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subsequently raised on the floor of the House of Commons (22) when the proposed closure was challenged as 'not being on educational grounds' and the capacity of HM Inspectorate and the Department's Educational Disadvantage Unit (EDU) - see paragraph 3.3.23 above - to 'fill the void' created by the closure, as the Secretary of State hoped, was questioned. The then joint Parliamentary Under Secretary of State, replying to the debate, asserted that:

'the closure of the centre does not mean that the government have lost interest in work to combat educational disadvantage - far from it. Through the work of the Inspectorate and the Educational Disadvantage Unit in the Department, we shall continue to be involved in these matters ... at national level we shall remain involved in and concerned about all aspects of work to combat educational disadvantage.'

'the existence of the Committee is a clear indication of our continuing concern for those who face educational disadvantage.'

3.3.26 Our interim report was submitted to the Secretary of State in February 1981 and was published in June that year. In July 1981 the Home Affairs Committee published its report (23) on Racial Disadvantage which also included a section on education (see paragraph 3.3.25). In October 1981 the DES issued to the local authority associations, teacher unions and other interested organisations, a consultative document relating both to our recommendations and to those on educational issues in the Home Affairs Committee's report. The Government's response to the Home Affairs Committee's report, drawing on the findings of the consultation exercise, was published in January 1982 (24) and in this the government undertook to respond to our interim report:

'in the early part of 1982.'

(24) Racial Disadvantage - The Government Reply to the Fifth Report from the Home Affairs Committee Session 1980-81 HC 424 Cmnd 8476.

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In November 1982 the Home Office issued revised guidelines (25) on the administration of grants under Section 11 thus implementing the recommendation we had made in this area in our interim report. The only one of our recommendations addressed to the DES to which there has as yet been a formal response is in relation to the collection of educational statistics on an ethnic basis on which, in evidence to the Home Affairs Committee in July 1982 (26) the Secretary of State stated his intention:

'... to explore, on the basis of the cautious approbation from consultation, with the local education authorities and the teachers and the ethnic minorities, how statistics might be collected so as to avoid the bureaucratic dangers, so as to respect confidentiality ... and so as to try to achieve the monitoring that is sought without damaging consequences, or worrying consequences.'

Home Affairs Committee Report 1981

3.3.27 The Home Affairs Committee in its 1981 Report on 'Racial Disadvantage' found the efforts being made to meet the educational need of ethnic minority pupils 'unimpressive'. They expressed particular concern about the effectiveness of the DES Educational Disadvantage Unit (EDU) - see paragraph 3.3.23 above - in the field of multicultural education thus:

'We are not convinced that the Unit has in the past achieved much beyond "informal discussion and talk" with the Inspectorate and within the Department. Its only positive achievement referred to in evidence was the establishment of

(26) Minutes of evidence. Home Affairs Committee Sub-Committee on Race Relations and Immigration. 12 July 1982 HC 405-(i)-(iv).

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the Rampton Committee, which was of course the result of a recommendation made in 1977 by the former Select Committee. A unit concerned exclusively with multi-racial education rather than with the whole range of educational disadvantage arising from social deprivation would be better placed to advise the Secretary of State on questions such as mother tongue teaching or the language problems of West Indian children.'

'many of the disadvantages suffered by ethnic minority children are shared by other children from socially deprived backgrounds. Some ethnic minority children do not suffer these disadvantages, and others achieve well in spite of them. There is indeed a danger of ethnic minority pupils being stereotyped as problems ... ethnic minority underachievement is not inherent in ethnic minority pupils.'

'the Department of Education and Science review their administrative arrangements with a view to setting up a Unit concerned solely with multi-racial education.'

'carefully considered this recommendation (and had) concluded that, within existing manpower constraints, the present arrangements within the Department of Education and Science are the most effective means of co-ordinating its policy in relation to multi-ethnic education. Under these arrangements, the Educational Disadvantage Unit, acting with and through the other branches of the Department and with the advice of HM Inspectorate, is involved not only with disadvantage but also with multi-ethnic education. The fact that the work of the Unit covers both aspects does not lessen the ability of the Department as a whole to consider issues related to multi-ethnic education.'

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Broad Conclusions on Central Government Policy

3.3.28 A number of broad conclusions can we believe be drawn about central government's role in the emergence of multicultural education over the past decade or so. In the early days, government pronouncements appear to have been much influenced by assimilationist thinking with little real attempt to give a lead to a more positive view of ethnic minority pupil's educational needs. To some extent at least, policy making in this field seems also to have been unduly distorted by political considerations and particularly by concern at the possible impact on majority public opinion of appearing to adopt a more constructive approach to ethnic minority needs. The subsequent attempts to relegate multicultural education to an aspect of 'educational disadvantage' and to subsume ethnic minority needs within the wider 'inner city problem', seem difficult to comprehend on educational grounds and in many ways appear to belie the public pronouncements of a commitment to a broader concept of multiculturalism. It is important to recall that the establishment of this Committee, which could be seen as an attempt to give due recognition to the need for positive progress in the field of multicultural education, came only in response to a Select Committee recommendation and not as part of a central government strategy. The absence of a full response to our interim report, which was specifically requested by the government, can also perhaps be regarded as evidence of the extent of genuine concern and commitment to this field of work and indeed this view was expressed by many of the organisations which submitted evidence to us for this report, for example the National Union of Teachers, in their published evidence (27), observed that:

'... the so far lukewarm (or even non-existent) response on the part of the government to the Rampton interim report ... does not inspire confidence among teachers working in schools that the measures they deem necessary have official support and backing.'

(27) 'Education for a Multicultural Society - Evidence to the Swann Committee of Inquiry. Submitted by the NUT.' Published May 1982.

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LEA and School Policies

3.3.29 In considering the evolution of multicultural education it is also essential to look at the way in which policies have been developed and put into practice at LEA level and with individual schools. Whilst there are similarities between central and local government attitudes, and in several respects, policy at the centre, for example in relation to funding arrangements, has directly conditioned local government's practices, it is noticeable that there have been a number of occasions when policies in particular LEAs and schools have varied considerably from the line of government thinking. In some cases, as with the rejection by some LEAs of the policy of dispersal, this has been because broad policy approaches have been considered to be impracticable or unworkable, or because individual teachers or LEA officials have felt national policies to be inappropriate to the actual school situation.

Varying Approaches to Multicultural Education

3.3.30 In the absence of any detailed guidance from the centre about what actually constitutes 'multicultural education', many of the most important initiatives in this field have arisen from the effort and commitment of individuals or small groups of people around the country, for example devising their own guidelines for reviewing the curriculum or establishing working parties to discuss issues of concern. Whilst such local initiatives have clearly contributed greatly to thinking on multicultural education they have also led to the very wide variation in approaches to this area of work which are to be found between different LEAs and between schools within the same LEA. This has contributed to the general confusion as to the precise meaning and content of multicultural education. Also, where initiatives in this field can be seen as the direct result of perhaps one teacher's particular enthusiasm and interest, this has also meant that the basis of such work and the extent to which it is built into a school or LEA 'strategy' can be rather tenuous. There is always a risk that if the key personality or group of people move elsewhere that their work will simply 'fade away' without them. It is also apparent from the variety of approaches to multicultural education in different LEAs that developments in this field are often related to the presence of ethnic minority pupils in schools, with, in effect, the greater the number of ethnic minority pupils, the greater the efforts on multicultural education. This apparent belief that multicultural education is relevant only because of the presence of ethnic minority pupils, and by implication therefore, not otherwise, was clearly demonstrated to us by those LEAs we consulted, where ethnic minority settlement was confined to one particular area within the Authority who stressed that multicultural education was therefore 'only of relevance to' or 'only practised in' that area and was a matter therefore not for 'County Hall' but for a particular district/area/divisional education office.

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3.3.31 It is also noticeable that the 'type' of multicultural education found in a particular LEA seems determined by the nature of the ethnic minority communities there - for example in LEAs where pupils of West Indian origin form a substantial part of the school population, the emphasis tends to have been on measures to overcome West Indian underachievement, encouraging the use of West Indian language and the employment of more West Indian teachers etc, whereas in other LEAs with large Asian populations, particularly Muslims, the focus has instead been on measures to meet the community's concerns over matters such as religious education, single sex provision, 'pastoral' issues and 'mother tongue teaching'. This 'tailoring' of multicultural education according to the ethnic minority community in a particular area can we believe be seen as further evidence that the overall objectives and philosophy of multiculturalism have been insufficiently thought out and that what provision is made, is very much in the form of a response to perceived 'problems' or to direct requests from schools or from certain communities for action on particular issues, rather than as part of a coherent and planned strategy. In many respects therefore, multicultural education at local level can be said to have evolved as a range of ad hoc measures which have been 'lumped together' under a common heading but are essentially unrelated. In fact, no less a collection of ad hoc 'emergency' and 'compensatory' measures than characterised the assimilationist phase.

Conclusions of Main Research Studies

3.3.32 The variety of approaches adopted by LEAs and schools to multicultural education has been illustrated by a number of research studies undertaken since the early 1970s. The second NFER review of research discusses the findings of these studies in some detail, but in considering the development of policies relating to multicultural education we ourselves looked at four of the most important such studies, spanning the decade:

- Townsend and Brittan's studies: 'Immigrant Pupils in England: The LEA Response' (1971) and 'Organisation in Multiracial Schools' (1972);

- DES Education Survey 14: 'The Continuing Needs of Immigrants' (1972) (based on a survey of LEAs and schools undertaken by HM Inspectorate);

- Little and Willey's report on 'Studies in the Multi-ethnic Curriculum' (1983) Schools Council, (based on a project carried out in 1979/80);

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- Young and Connelly's report on 'Policy and Practice in the Multiracial City' (1981) Policy Studies Institute, (based on a project carried out in 1979/81).

- At the beginning of the 1970s there was a wide variation between LEAs in both their priorities and practices in the multicultural field. The only common factor appeared to be an overwhelming emphasis on meeting the linguistic needs of children for whom English was not a first language - E2L needs. The type of E2L provision made by different authorities varied widely however from full-time separate language centres to part-time language classes on a withdrawal basis within pupils' own schools. Some LEAs were beginning to appoint advisers or administrators with specific responsibilities for 'immigrants' but again the emphasis was chiefly on co-ordinating efforts in relation to language needs rather than any wider considerations. LEAs also varied in the in-service provision which they offered to their teachers in relation to multicultural issues and there was a tendency for such courses as were available to attract only specialists, such as E2L teachers, who were working directly with ethnic minority pupils. Within schools, the main emphasis was again on E2L provision with varying approaches being adopted. Where children with language needs were withdrawn to attend a separate language centre there were generally few links between the staff of the two institutions. The second stage language needs of E2L learners in general received little attention and were, as Townsend and Brittan put it, 'imperfectly understood'. The possible language needs of West Indian pupils tended to be 'equally misunderstood'. There was consequently felt to be a risk for all ethnic minority pupils, but especially West Indians, that their academic ability might be incorrectly assessed and that they might therefore be misplaced in remedial streams or classes. Although the 'pastoral' needs of ethnic minority pupils, for example in relation to school meals or uniform, were not yet found to be a major issue - possibly because schools were only just beginning to find themselves with large numbers of Asian pupils - there were nevertheless already indications of the need for schools and ethnic minority parents to have a better understanding of each other's concerns and for improved home-school links. As far as the curriculum was concerned, as the authors of Education Survey 14 put it, 'very little modification has taken place' and there was indeed little evidence that even the possibility of changes to reflect the multi-racial nature of society had even been considered. Teachers were found to have had little or no preparation, through

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either their initial or in-service training, for the multi-racial context, and to have little background knowledge of ethnic minority groups. Multicultural considerations were rarely considered formally by schools and much reliance was placed on the enthusiasm and initiative of individual teachers. Where relevant courses were available, they were often undersubscribed and few teachers other than specialists attended them. The trend of policies at both LEA and school level at this time therefore seemed to be very much in the assimilationist tradition - that once ethnic minority children had mastered English, their needs would have been fully met and they would then 'settle down' and cease to experience, or cause, educational problems. Little or no attention was given at this time to reaching an understanding of the social and cultural needs of the children or of the wider implications of the changing nature of society. The practices of this period were described by Townsend and Brittan as:

'(an) adaptation of tried and tested procedures to untried and untested circumstances.'

By the turn of the decade one might have expected considerable progress to have been made but many of the same problems and difficulties mentioned above were revealed by the two later surveys. Indeed Little and Willey's study concluded that LEAs were still:

'at an early stage in beginning the difficult process of adapting a pattern of organisational arrangements established to meet particular needs ... to the wider task of fulfilling the educational needs of all children in a multi-ethnic society.'

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fully understood nor catered for. Also in the language field, there was an increasing awareness at both LEA and school level of issues relating to 'mother tongue' provision - presumably partly as a result of pressure from the Asian community - and some provision in the form of 'mother tongue teaching', although views varied widely as to the desirability of developing or extending such provision. Various approaches had been adopted by LEAs to co-ordinate their efforts in the 'multicultural' field through specialist advisers or administrators and the actual impact of such specialists on schools also varied considerably. More relevant in-service courses seemed to be available than earlier in the decade but there was still concern that they tended to reach only those staff who were already 'converted' to the cause of 'multiculturalism'. Within schools, there seemed to be a growing acceptance, in theory at least, of the need to permeate the whole curriculum with an awareness of the multi-racial nature of society, but little progress seemed yet to have been made in practice in achieving this aim. Indeed there appeared to be a good deal of uncertainty amongst teachers as to how they might revise their work, combined with a residual resistance amongst some to the need to change at all. Although some multi-racial schools were now considering multicultural issues in a structured way, and some had, for example, established staff working parties to review policy. There still seemed to be however a marked lack of clarity as to the precise policy aims to be achieved and a desire for guidance and leadership from the centre. Some changes had taken place in various areas of the curriculum, notably religious education - perhaps because of the particular concern about this subject amongst certain Asian groups - and there had been some attempts to seek to identify and counter racism within the school, but elsewhere efforts had tended to be at best, as Young and Connelly put it, 'cautious'. Some efforts had been made to improve home-school links with ethnic minority parents but it was still felt that much more remained to be done in this respect. Over 'pastoral' matters, there had been 'problems', but attempts had been made to issue guidance and advice to schools and teachers and there was now at least a greater awareness of the difficulties which could arise. Teachers generally were still felt to have been inadequately prepared by their training for dealing with the situation which faced them and although it was often acknowledged that the presence of more ethnic minority teachers might be particularly valuable, there were found to be very few such teachers actually in schools. When compared with the position some ten years previously it can be seen that whilst some of the underlying legacies of the assimilationist tradition still persisted, especially at LEA level, there was by the beginning of this decade a growing feeling that multicultural education might in fact involve far more wide ranging and fundamental changes in attitude and practice than had previously

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been envisaged. It is also clear that there was a considerable 'credibility gap' between actual practices at LEA and school level, and the pronouncements at national level of the advocates of multicultural education, and there was therefore an urgent need for the formulation of clear policy guidelines and an overall strategy for change - both of which had so far been lacking - in order to direct energies towards nationally-agreed objectives.

3.4 The Relevance of Multicultural Education to all Children

Government Approach

3.4.1 At the beginning of this consideration of the development of multicultural education (see paragraph 3.2 above) we noted that one of the major aspects of the debate on multicultural education which distinguishes it most clearly from the early days of assimilation, is the recognition that the multi-racial nature of today's society has implications for the education of all children, including those from the ethnic majority community. In recent years this view of multicultural education has extended beyond pupils attending multi-racial schools, to embrace all children in this country, including those living and being educated in 'all-white' areas. The emergence of this broader view can also be traced through the public pronouncements of the government over the years. As early as 1963 there was some recognition, albeit in rather guarded terms and in the context of the 'problems' they pose, that the presence of ethnic minority pupils in a school might offer some positive benefits to the other pupils, as the following extract from the report 'English for Immigrants' (28) shows:

'... it is certainly true that the presence of . .. immigrant children can give an added immediacy and meaning to many of our geography and history lessons; their contributions from the arts of their countries can add interest and variety to many school occasions; their differing religions, customs, dress and food can provide most useful and immediate materials for the inculcation of at least some measure of international understanding. The presence of our visitors from overseas can cause problems, especially if they come with little English and more especially if they come to anyone school in very large numbers; but they also present challenging opportunities which a great many schools, both primary and secondary, have been quick to recognise and to accept with mutual advantage to British and immigrant pupils.'

'The arrival of immigrant pupils ... (has) ... given the schools a unique opportunity to get to know something at first-hand

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about how peoples in other parts of the world live, and, perhaps more significantly, have provided the opportunity for everyone in their school, themselves included, to experience a multi-racial society in miniature. In this special situation, the schools can demonstrate how people from different ethnic groups and cultural backgrounds can live together happily and successfully, and can help to create the kind of cohesive, multicultural society on which the future of this country - and possibly the world depends.'

'Our society is a multicultural, multi-racial one and the curriculum should reflect a sympathetic understanding of the different cultures and races that now make up our society ... The curriculum of schools ... must reflect the needs of this new Britain.'

'It is just as important in schools where there are no ethnic minority pupils for the teaching there to refer to the different cultures now present in Britain, as it is for the teaching in schools in the inner areas of cities like Birmingham and London. It is a question of developing a curriculum which draws positive advantage from the different cultures.'

(29) 'Education in Schools - A Consultative Document.' Cmnd 6869. HMSO. July 1977.

(30) Address to the CRE's conference on Education for a Multicultural Society by Baroness Young. 19 April 1980.

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many of the previous policies on 'ethnic minority education' were in fact explicitly designed to ensure that the multi-racial nature of the pupil populations in some schools impinged as little as possible on the educational experience of pupils from the majority community. It seems almost as though central government, having decided to shift the emphasis of multicultural education to embrace 'all' schools feels that by constant reiteration and exhortation to this effect, the message will somehow 'permeate' the 'all-white' schools, with no further efforts or resources.

Research

3.4.4 This broader dimension of multicultural education has been little researched, in terms of actual practice at school level and individual teacher attitudes; the only major project to have really attempted to review developments in this field, carried out under the auspices of the Schools Council has been Little and Willey's 1983 report 'Studies in the Multi-ethnic Curriculum'. Some broad conclusions can we feel be drawn from the findings of this project and indeed from the other limited work which has been undertaken in this field: first and foremost there appears to be little evidence of efforts in LEAs and schools with few or no ethnic minorities to reappraise or revise their practices to reflect the multi-racial nature of the wider society; indeed multicultural education tends to be largely dismissed as 'not our concern', 'a very low priority' or 'likely to be divisive and counterproductive'. The concept of multicultural education being of relevance to all children, including those attending 'all-white' schools, appears to have failed to impinge in practice on non-multi-racial areas, which still seemingly equate multicultural education with the actual presence of ethnic minority pupils and therefore tend to explain their lack of concern with such developments by simply pointing out that they have no ethnic minority pupils. Those schools which do feel that they should be attempting to develop policies in this respect, profess themselves uncertain of how to tackle this, in the absence of clear guidance from LEA or central government level - as Little and Willey put it, there appears to be 'little effort beyond exhortation' put into encouraging developments in such schools.

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1. Introduction

1.1 In the previous chapter we reviewed the state of multicultural education by reference to the development of policies at both central and local level and the concerns of different ethnic minority communities. Clearly the whole of this Committee's work, for both of our reports, has been concerned with various aspects of multicultural education and the particular educational needs of ethnic minority pupils. The sheer volume of material which we have received and the wide-ranging opinions which have been expressed to us in our various meetings and visits are impossible to summarise briefly. We have however sought to draw on and reflect, throughout this report, the range of evidence which we have received, and have indeed already referred at some length to some aspects of our evidence in our Achievement and Racism chapters. In addition to this general evidence, we commissioned several small-scale studies to investigate particular issues or concerns. Where these related to specific areas of work, such as language education, we have drawn on the findings in the appropriate chapters, as we have of course also drawn extensively on the conclusions of the NFER reviews of research.

1.2 We have not sought to review in depth current practice at a national level in each and every specific subject area. We were fortunate in being able to draw on the wealth of material collected by Alan Little and Richard Willey for the Schools Council for their project 'Studies in a Multi-ethnic Curriculum' (1). We were also conscious that the various subject specific studies within the Schools Council's project on 'Assessment in a Multicultural Society' were in progress and we have drawn on some of these reports in finalising this report. We commissioned two projects which related to particular aspects of the overall development of multicultural education, which we feel it is important to describe here, before going on, in the next chapter, to set out our own views on the extent to which multicultural education as presently conceived is preparing youngsters from all groups to live in and to shape the kind of pluralist society which we envisaged at the opening of this report.

(1) 'Studies in the Multi-ethnic Curriculum.' Little and Willey. Schools Council. 1983.

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2. Project A: The development of multicultural education policy in four local education authority areas

2.1 We have already referred, in Chapter Four, to several of the research projects which have been undertaken to investigate provision for multicultural education in various LEAs. These have in general surveyed the range of provision made at a given point in time and only rarely was there any attempt to relate 'current' provision to earlier developments or to examine the past pressures which might have influenced the present-day policies of an LEA towards ethnic minority education. We were therefore pleased to receive a proposal, from the Social Science Research Council Research Unit on Ethnic Relations based at the University of Aston in Birmingham, to prepare a series of reports for us on the way in which policy had emerged in four LEAs around the country, to be undertaken as part of the Unit's ongoing research programme on 'Ethnicity and Education' (2).

2.2 The detailed reports on the four LEAs which were the subject of the study - Manchester, Walsall, Bradford and the Inner London Education Authority - are published separately and we have not therefore reproduced their findings in full here. We attach as Annex A to this chapter however some extracts from the introduction to the research reports, written by Professor John Rex, who led the study team. These not only set the context for the reports but also raise a number of interesting and thought-provoking issues relating to policy-making in this field. We should stress that both Professor Rex's comments here and the views taken in the individual research reports are the opinions of the researchers themselves and do not necessarily reflect the thinking of this Committee - indeed, as will become apparent, some of the views expressed are somewhat at variance with the line we have taken in this report. Nevertheless we feel that the findings of this project offer a valuable and intriguing insight into the varying ways in which educational policy-making can evolve in very different ways in different parts of the country.

2.3 While it is not for us to comment on the conclusions of the reports on the individual LEAs, there are clearly a number of general conclusions which can be drawn from the project's findings as a whole about the development of multicultural education at local

(2) The Ethnicity and Education Programme began in 1981 under the direction of Professor John Rex, Director of the Research Unit on Ethnic Relations. The aim of the programme is described as 'an account of the demands made by ethnic minorities on the education system and the ways in which the education system has responded to these demands'. The programme has four phases. The first is an anthropological study of the minority communities and the demands being made by minority parents and children on the education system. The second phase, which gave rise to the study reported here, is concerned with the reasons for and the content of multicultural educational policy as it has developed in four local authority areas. The third phase will be concerned with a study of the response by teachers to the policies developed by their local education authorities, and, in the final phase, this will be followed by detailed in-school studies.

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level. Professor Rex himself highlights the following broad conclusions which can be made on the basis of this project, many of which echo the findings of other studies of multicultural education:

- 'There is no consensus on what multicultural education actually means, the actual specification of the policy having been the consequence of whatever political pressures happen to be dominant.

- There will always be uncertainty and doubts about the legitimacy of the whole idea of multiculturalism until clear commitments are made at the highest political level.

- Multicultural Education appears ... to be too often divorced from the whole complex of issues concerned with equality of opportunity for the minority child ... The two ideals of promoting equality of opportunity for the minority child and that of developing education for a multicultural and non-racist society are complementary rather than contradictory.

- The ideal of Equality of Opportunity has to be conceived in much wider terms than has been the case when policy has been concentrated on the narrow question of West Indian underachievement.

- The question of underachievement by an ethnic group or class is a real one in our schools, but its practical solution must lie in better educational practice rather than in emphasising the cultural and environmental differences between children outside the school.

- Many policy decisions taken in the past have rested on dogmatic beliefs about the desirability of assimilation or separatism.

- Too many decisions in the past have been taken against the wishes of minority communities.

- Finally we should notice that the whole business of multicultural education is in an experimental stage. So far policies have been formulated, but hardly implemented.'

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definition of the aims and objectives involved. It is also interesting to note that Professor Rex sees as one of the major factors which has contributed to this lack of a consensus on multicultural education, the vagaries of political pressures in this field, at both central and local level, over the years - a view which we ourselves have also previously expressed.

3. Project B: 'All-white' schools

3.1 One of the aspects of multicultural education which we were particularly anxious to investigate further was the extent to which an awareness of the multiracial nature of Britain today had influenced the thinking of schools which themselves had few or no ethnic minority pupils. More importantly, we were concerned with the extent to which such schools saw it as part of their overall responsibility to inform their pupils about different ethnic minority groups and to encourage a positive view of their role within our society. As we recalled in Chapter Four, such limited research as there has been in this field shows that the situation on both these fronts still leaves much to be desired, and in our own interim report we highlighted comments made to us by ethnic majority pupils about 'immigrants' which we felt also gave considerable cause for concern. In view of the major part which, as we explained in Chapter Two, we believe misleading stereotypes can play in reinforcing and perpetuating the overall climate of racism, we endeavoured to investigate further the extent of such views within 'all-white schools,' and what, if anything, was being done by the schools to counter them.

3.2 We were fortunate in this respect to obtain the assistance once again of Arnold Matthews - who had worked with us on our interim report and who had visited some 'all-white' schools on our behalf - and also Laurie Fallows, who had also been co-opted to one of our sub-committees during the first stage of our work. As we have already acknowledged, people's attitudes are a particularly difficult area for research. The most satisfactory approach to our task therefore seemed to be to undertake 'case studies' of the views and practices found within a number of 'all-white' schools and this therefore was the approach adopted by Mr Matthews and Mr Fallows. During the winter of 1982/1983 they visited a total of 26 schools, both primary and secondary, and county and voluntary, drawn from six LEAs three in the North of England and three in the South. The particular issues which they endeavoured to investigate for us are listed at Annex B, and the reports which they prepared on the schools they visited are attached as Annexes C and D. Following their visits to schools, Mr Matthews and Mr Fallows met representatives of the six authorities concerned to discuss their findings. Brief summaries of these discussions are included in the respective reports.

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3.3 In our view, these reports provide a valuable insight into the attitudes and behaviour found in 'all-white' areas and schools in relation to ethnic minorities and illustrate vividly the gap which exists between the pronouncements and exhortations made at national level about the need to educate all pupils for life in a multiracial society, and the extent to which such an aim is accepted and acted upon. We commend the detailed reports to our readers as portraying the actual situation in the schools and areas visited. There are however a number of broad conclusions (3) which we feel can be drawn from the findings of this project:

Curriculum Content

Almost without exception, the schools visited saw the concept of multicultural education as remote and irrelevant to their own needs and responsibilities, taking the view that such an approach was needed only where there were substantial numbers of ethnic minority pupils. The concept of being part of a multiracial society appeared to have impinged little on the consciousness of the schools, which were in many respects inward-looking and concerned primarily with immediate local issues. Whilst there was a greater awareness of the multiracial 'dimension' in the schools which were close to areas of ethnic minority settlement, or where there were ethnic minority pupils, little consideration had been given to the need to amend their work to take account of cultural diversity; indeed such moves were often seen as being too controversial and too inflammatory to contemplate. However there were indications from several of the schools that teachers would welcome and respond to a positive lead, with appropriate definition and guidance, from the DES and LEAs about 'education for life in a multicultural society.' It seemed that an emphasis on providing 'good' education, rather than on concepts like 'multiracial' or 'multicultural', which had little immediate reality in such areas, would be most likely to have an impact.

In relation to particular curriculum areas:

Religious Education - with one or two exceptions RE was found to be very much the 'poor relation' subject, regarded as of little status by the schools, the teachers and the pupils. Several of the schools were attempting to provide a 'multifaith' style syllabus covering world religions in addition to Christianity, with varying degrees of success. A major obstacle to such developments in areas with no ethnic minority settlement was the lack of opportunities to visit the places of worship of other faiths or to meet adherents of other religions, which were available in multiracial areas. Many of the RE

(3) We should emphasise that these represent the conclusions of this Committee, although based on the findings of Mr Matthews and Mr Fallows.

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teachers claimed they lacked the necessary knowledge of other faiths to deal with them effectively or to select from the various course materials available. Although a few schools felt that their attempts to teach about the faiths of ethnic minority communities were well-received by pupils and served to broaden their horizons, in those schools where overt racial views were already present, such initiatives were seen as of little value in altering attitudes. RE courses in some schools sought to deal with issues relating to 'Race and Prejudice', again with varying degrees of commitment and success, Where such topics formed part of an integrated studies or a social studies course they were, in several schools, viewed with open hostility by parents, pupils and some staff members.

English - despite some teachers' expressed desire to offer their pupils experience of a wider range of literature, the majority of books studied and to be found in the school libraries reflected a narrow and outdated view of Britain and the world. A number of teachers pleaded their unfamiliarity with recent books drawing on a wider cultural framework and uncertainty about their authenticity or quality, despite the increasing number of multicultural booklists. Again, in schools where racist feelings were strong, attempts to introduce books by, or referring to, members of ethnic minority communities were generally rejected by both pupils and their parents.

History and Geography - in the majority of schools there was little attempt to reflect the multiracial nature of society or to teach pupils about the origins and background of the various communities which are now a part of Britain. In Geography, one of the most disconcerting aspects of present provision was that, where they attempted to discuss developing countries, schools frequently projected inaccurate, outdated and stereotyped views of the 'Third World', thus confirming any negative prejudices which pupils might have, rather than seeking to counter them.

Racism
The project revealed widespread evidence of racism in all the areas covered - ranging from unintentional racism and patronising and stereotyped ideas about ethnic minority groups combined with an appalling ignorance of their cultural backgrounds and lifestyles and of the facts of race and immigration, to extremes of overt racial hatred and 'National Front' - style attitudes. Asian pupils, usually viewed collectively as 'Pakis', seemed to be most frequently the object of animosity, dislike and hatred, apparently because of their greater perceived 'strangeness' and 'difference' from the accepted cultural, religious and linguistic norms. Racial prejudice appeared to be most prevalent amongst the lower ability pupils who might feel

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most threatened by a sense of intellectual and social inferiority aroused by 'successful' ethnic minority communities, and incipient racism was clearly present in urban areas where there was increasing competition for housing and jobs. There were however some indications that youngsters might be more prepared than their elders to adopt amore positive view of the multicultural society, provided they were given the opportunity to learn more about other communities - pupils' attitudes generally appeared to harden as they grew older. It is interesting to note that in some cases, even where negative views about ethnic minority groups were expressed, pupils were anxious to exempt any ethnic minority school friends or acquaintances suggesting that the original antagonism was based on unfamiliarity and accepted stereotypes rather than deep-seated feelings.

Influences on Pupils' Attitudes
Many of the pupils had had little or no direct contact with ethnic minorities on which to formulate their own views, and the major influence on their outlook appeared to be the attitudes of their parents and local community. Where the community was generally antipathetic towards 'outsiders' - a term which could be applied particularly to ethnic minorities - this outlook was shared by the pupils. Other major influences were the media - television, for example in its coverage of the Brixton 'disturbances,' and in its portrayal of ethnic minority characters in comedy programmes, and the local press, some of which was clearly biased against 'immigrants' - and the school curriculum - especially history and geography lessons and textbooks which emphasised an Anglo-centric and Imperialist view of the world as well as portraying developing countries in an outdated manner.

Teachers
Teachers were generally found to reflect the attitudes of their local communities even where they themselves had originated elsewhere, and, apart from a few committed 'multiculturalists', the majority remained preoccupied with the immediate concerns of their day to day teaching activities and believed that 'multicultural' considerations were irrelevant both to them and to their pupils. Primary school teachers seemed in general to be more willing to consider that the changing nature of British society might have implications for their pupils, than were their secondary school counterparts who were chiefly concerned with their own subject specialisms and with meeting the constraints imposed by the public examinations system. Many teachers felt that they lacked the knowledge and confidence to revise their practices and blamed the training which they had received for failing even to raise the issues and principles involved in the concept of multicultural education. Even those teachers who had

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only recently qualified commented on the inadequacy of the coverage of this field in their courses. As far as their attitudes towards ethnic minority groups were concerned, in the words of one of our researchers:

'the whole gamut of racial misunderstandings and folk mythology was revealed, racial stereotypes were common and attitudes ranged from the unveiled hostility of a few, through the apathy of many and the condescension of others, to total acceptance and respect by a minority.'

3.4 We believe that two major conclusions can be drawn from the findings of this project. Firstly, the concept of multicultural education involving and having implications for all schools, whether or not they have ethnic minority pupils, is far from accepted and indeed appears to be rejected by many 'all-white' schools, despite national pronouncements to the contrary. Indeed the attitudes of many of those in the schools visited by Mr Matthews and Mr Fallows appeared to echo the narrow and insular view of one 'all-white' school quoted in the Little and Willey study referred to earlier.

'we do not have a multi-ethnic society in this school.'

3.5 In relation to the follow up meetings with the LEAs in whose areas the schools were located, there were also a number of broad

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conclusions which we feel can be drawn out. All but one of the authorities visited expressed their belief in the principle of educating all children for life in a multiracial society, but there was a good deal of caution about putting this into practice, influenced to some extent at least by the possible 'political' repercussions of taking action in what was seen as a controversial field. Several of the LEAs emphasised their 'good intentions' towards developing activities in relation to multicultural education, pointing for example to various initiatives in the field of in-service training or guidance to schools which were 'in the pipeline' or 'under consideration'. There appeared in general however to be very little which had actually taken place in such areas to lend credibility to these authorities' professed allegiance to multicultural principles. Even in LEAs which had some areas of ethnic minority settlement, it seemed that any provision which was made was limited to those schools which actually had multiracial pupil populations - and was generally concerned only with language teaching or religious education - and little attempt had been made to broaden such provision to encompass the 'all-white' schools as well. It is interesting that in several of the LEAs, the advisory staff professed a lack of understanding of the principles involved in preparing all pupils for life in a multiracial society and it was therefore perhaps hardly surprising that they had seemingly not ventured to seek to convince 'all-white' schools of the need to appraise and possibly revise their work. From these various discussions with LEAs it would therefore seem that the degree of public commitment to multicultural education for all pupils expressed by central government has as yet impinged only marginally on the thinking of LEAs with few or no ethnic minority pupils, and even less on their actual practices. Once again the most encouraging feature of the LEAs' attitudes was a general desire for guidance and advice on how they might implement policies in relation to multicultural education - at present it seemed that the majority of them were largely unaware of where to turn for such assistance.

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The Issues in Multicultural Education

In order to understand the four reports ... as more than a merely descriptive account it will be necessary to consider what some of the major issues in the so-called multicultural field are. Only against this background will it become evident what choices are being made in the various authorities and what options have, in fact been discarded.

One way of approaching the problem, and one which will inform the final report of the Education and Ethnicity Programme, is to begin with the demands actually being made by parents, children and the representatives of minority communities. Another is to set out systematically the implications of the related, and yet distinct, policy goals of promoting equality of opportunity for minority children, and of developing an appropriate education for a multicultural society.

From what we know so far from our colleagues' work on parents' demands and attitudes, four things seem to be important. First there is a demand of a quite simple and direct kind that education should be as good as possible an education, so that children entering the world of employment or higher education should have the best opportunities possible. Secondly, there appears to be widespread demand for mother tongue instruction. Thirdly, there are some specific demands arising most strongly amongst Muslim parents for appropriate recognition of minority customs. Finally, there is a concern that the schools should play a supportive role in the moral education of children, supportive, that is, of the kind of morality which parents see themselves as trying to inculcate in their homes.

Not included in this list, it will be noted, is a specific demand for something called multicultural education. There may be in the minority communities a commitment to cultural pluralism, it is true, but this does not usually lead to general demands on teachers and the school as distinct from the specific demands mentioned above. Minority parents expect that their language, culture and religion should be treated with respect and that it should not become the object of racist denigration and abuse, but there is widespread recognition of the schools as agencies which can promote or restrict equality of opportunity, and a fear that the provision of special education designed for minorities might hold children back from academic achievement.

Minority organisations, even when they are consulted only through official local Community Relations Councils, express similar demands. They tend to be dissatisfied with the provision for English teaching, to want specific mother tongue classes, to require special consideration on specific issues relating to school assemblies, food, dress, sex segregation and generally on questions of morality, and they are often much concerned about equality of opportunity for teachers from their own communities. There is a considerable record of dissatisfaction being expressed with actual policies adopted by LEAs on these matters, but also on the more general policies which have arisen from the successive stands taken by the authorities which result from their general philosophy on the question of pluralism and integration. Thus, when local authorities considered proposals for dispersal through bussing they rarely had any support from the minority community. Nor is there enthusiastic support for published policies on multicultural education.

Necessarily, of course, it is to be expected that local authorities will wish to pursue what they believe to be the best educational policies whether or not these represent a response to consumer

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demand. One does not expect therefore that any local authority will simply do all that parents ask. Nonetheless, if one looks at the way in which provision for minority children has been made since 1960 two things stand out. One is that, in the first phase, many of the policies which were adopted on such matters as E2L teaching, dealing with low achievers and discipline, had more to do with keeping the system running with the minimal disruption rather than with dealing with the needs of minority children. The other is that when minority-specific policies were developed they were often based upon incoherent and conflicting assumptions about the problems of a multicultural society.

We have thought it useful at all times to judge local authority policies not simply as a more or less adequate response to parent's or children's demands, but in terms of the adequacy as a means of implementing certain social, educational and political ideals to which Britain is supposed to be formally committed. Two such ideals are important. One is the recognition of the right to equality of educational opportunity for all children. The other is the attempt to create a multicultural society. These two ideals have to be taken together. To claim to be creating a multicultural society, when there is no guarantee of equality of opportunity, is to risk offering minority children an education which is different and inferior. To promote equality of opportunity without allowing for cultural pluralism is to move towards a policy of forced assimilation.

In an earlier paper one of us (1) has sought to set out some of the specific policy implications in education of the notion of equal opportunity for the minority child. These include the following:

1. Instruction of non-English speaking children in their own language at the point of their entry into the system, not in order to segregate them permanently, but in order that they should not be prevented at an early stage from learning to learn by a situation of linguistic and cultural shock.

2. Instruction in the mother tongue so that children should not have to pay the price of not being able to communicate with their parents for any success which they may have in education.

3. The early introduction to English as a second language, with adequate arrangements to ensure that the time spent on acquiring English does not prevent progress in normal school subjects.

4. Second stage English instruction to ensure that children are given not merely minimal English, but sufficient command of the language to enable them to cope with study at whatever level they are otherwise capable of reaching.

5. The inclusion in the syllabus of subject matter relating to their own culture, so that they are not deprived of their own inheritance, and can see that it has recognition within the curriculum and within the value system of British society (this requirement not being met by paternalistic teaching at a low level, which could have the effect of denigrating rather than strengthening minority cultures).

6. The teaching of minority languages, history and culture up to the highest level and not merely in the low-status and uncertificated parts of the syllabus, so that these subjects have equality of status with, say, French language, literature and history.

7. The elimination from the syllabus in all subjects of all those elements derived from an earlier historical period in which the culture of minorities is denigrated and a positive emphasis in the syllabus on the histories and cultures of their countries as an important part of the education of all children.

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8. A positive commitment on the part of the school to the elimination of racism through the syllabus as a whole, through specific teaching against racism and through school practices which treat racism as a disciplinary offence.

9. The employment of qualified school teachers from the minority groups in all subjects and a guarantee that they will be promoted on merit.

It is often said, and it is said too glibly, that Britain is now a multicultural society and that education should reflect this fact. But the statement is misleading. Britain is not and is unlikely to become a multicultural society in the sense that Quebec or Brussels is. There two ethnic groups actually share political power and their languages may equally be used in Parliament and the Civil Service. What we should mean by it in Britain is that, while British culture and language, albeit in changing and developing forms, remain dominant, British society is nonetheless committed to fostering minority languages and cultures and regards them as a source of enrichment rather than as something to be repressed or only tolerated.

In some respects, the United States has moved towards recognising Spanish in this way. Canada is also committed to a policy of multiculturalism and there are other precedents which could be followed in Britain.

Crucial to a multicultural policy of this kind is the notion that multicultural education concerns the whole syllabus and the syllabus of the 'White' suburban child, as much as that of the minority child in inner city schools with a high minority concentration. Such a policy has a deliberate political objective. It seeks to eliminate fear of minority cultures and people and the notion that the continued existence of these cultures means the 'swamping' of Britain by alien forces. Of course the implementation of such a policy would contribute to increasing equality of opportunity to minority children by improving the political and social climate in which they have to live, but it has to be mentioned in its own right because it is all too often assumed that multiculturalism in education is solely a matter of making special provision for minority children. The kind of emphasis which we are placing here excludes the kind of token provision for minority children which is expressed in encouraging West Indian children to organise steel bands or giving Asian children special lessons on rice growing. It implies a radical policy of encouraging respect for Caribbean and Asian culture by British children as a part of their education. It is also designed to create a non-racist society.

It was not perhaps to be expected that the two ideals of equality of educational opportunity and the creation of a multicultural society would have been systematically applied to the million immigrants and their children from South Asia and the Caribbean who settled in Britain between 1950 and 1970. Such immigration was accepted as a matter of economic expediency rather as something which provide new challenges to social policy. What one saw, therefore, was at best a series of ad hoc responses concerned with preventing the problems of the newcomers from disrupting the system and at worst a racist panic in which minority children were expected to become Anglicised as quickly as possible or somehow to go away. It was only in the mid-seventies, in fact, that British educationalists began to think more systematically about these problems. By then there was much suspicion amongst the minorities of the newer policies which were proposed and, in any case, the problems were doubly difficult because the education system had to deal not simply with the children of immigrants but with a generation who had been the victims of racism, discrimination and disadvantage.

The two major policy responses in the sixties had been the proposal for dispersing by bussing and the ad hoc development of language teaching for non-English speaking children. Bussing

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was not, as in the United States, a policy developed in response to minority demands for equality of opportunity. It was developed out of fear that the presence of Black children in large numbers would lower standards and children were to be bussed regardless of whether they could speak English or not or whether they had special problems or not, but only if or because they were Black. If the policy was not widely adopted, moreover, it was not because minorities opposed it, but because White suburban schools did not want minority children and certainly didn't want their children bussed as a quid pro quo to Black schools. What was hardly noticed however was that there was virtually no support for the policy in the minority communities, because any slight advantages which it might have for some children were greatly outweighed by its disadvantages for all of them.

Language provision for the non-English speaking was of an equally primitive kind. The main point about it was that the immigrant child had to be withdrawn from the classroom because his presence there was likely to hold up the other children's progress. In some way therefore they had to be withdrawn, whether to special centres or to classes conducted by peripatetic teachers. In these centres they were given enough English to enable them to communicate and be communicated with by their teachers, but with little attempt being made to ensure that they could catch up with their main subject work or that they went on improving their English so that they could achieve at the highest level. All too often the language teaching itself or the problems of the 're-inserted' child were seen to belong to those of the Remedial Department along with those of other backward children.

The tendency to incorporate provision for minority children under the heading of remedial work reflected a wider tendency in social policy on the national as well as the local level. This was to deal with minority problems in a non-specific way under the more general heading of deprivation and disadvantage. The main central government provision for expenditure on minorities took the form of grants under Section 11 of the Local government Act. It was always unclear, however, whether these grants were given for the benefit of minorities and immigrants or whether they were simply to help local authorities faced with problems consequent upon the arrival of immigrants. The confusion over this issue was compounded by the fact that simultaneously with seeking Section 11 grants, local authorities were called upon to adopt a policy of positive discrimination towards schools which had high indices for deprivation. Local authorities in these circumstances were all too likely to claim that their expenditure on deprived schools was their way of meeting minority needs. Many, indeed, argued, prior to the early 70s, that it was desirable in principle to deal with minority needs in this way as part of a general integrationist policy.

By 1970, however, the question of the education of the minority child came to have a new focus. This was that of the failure of West Indian children. In our view this problem has hardly been understood because the statistics have been presented in the crudest possible way in terms of gross comparisons between English, Asian and West Indian children. Had elementary statistical controls been introduced for the occupation, education and socio-economic group of parents the differences might well have virtually disappeared and any unexplained differences could quite as easily have been explained by the child's experience from an early age of British racism as it could by his cultural background. Since, however, it might still be asked why children from poor lower-class backgrounds do so badly, a problem might still remain. The more serious problem for us seems to be why it is that British schools so largely succeed in imposing on children the same social and economic status as their parents. If this happens for English working class children, is it not far more likely to happen for children from poor post-colonial societies?

Unfortunately questions like this have not been asked. Instead report after report has drawn attention to West Indian failure as an intractable problem, and if, fortunately, hereditarian ideas have not to any large extent been invoked by way of explanation, the explanation which has been sought has usually been in terms of some deficiency of the West Indian child, whether because of some deficiency in his self concept or because of his or her poor material or social

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home environment. What has not been discussed is whether something might not be going wrong in the child's encounters with White society, not least in the school itself. In fact the debate about West Indian failure, like those about numbers and about language deficiency are not really understandable unless one realises that it has been informed as much as by anything else by racist panic.

Against the background of these ad hoc and panicky responses the emergence of a debate about multicultural education suggests something of a new start and as such it is to be welcomed. Certainly it involves a deliberate move away from the notion that minorities are to be provided for simply as part of a general programme for the disadvantaged. Nonetheless, although 'Multicultural Education' became a widely accepted slogan, there was considerable uncertainty as to what it actually meant. To some it meant the whole set of policies to provide for the immigrant or minority child. To others it was seen as something more specific being concerned with bringing minority cultures into the curriculum. Within these two options, moreover, there were many alternative possibilities. Multicultural education might be thought of as something which applied to the curriculum of all children or it might be thought of as something which was to be provided for minority children only. If it was taken to mean the latter, it might or might not be seen as something whose main function was to improve performance and achievement. In some cases, moreover, the central meaning which was attached to the term was that it referred to the set of policies designed to deal with West Indian underachievement.

The problems of Asian children and those of West Indians, or more correctly, the problems of the children of Asian and West Indian immigrants, were likely to be systematically confused in this debate. On the one hand some local authorities were likely to be preoccupied with West Indian underachievement. On the other there were those who were concerned primarily with Asians. General policy discussions therefore often assumed a child who combined the problems of both and who in addition was assumed to share all the characteristics of the inner city poor.

Finally, one should note another overriding factor in these debates. This is that while there were those who were concerned with removing for the minority child all the obstacles which stood in the way of the highest possible achievement, there were certainly others who saw the problem as part of a wider problem of providing education of a relevant kind for the less able child. If, therefore, there was less than total enthusiasm on the part of minority communities for the new policies, it was probably because they saw them as offering less than the best to their children. One of the problems which we have had to face therefore in analysing the debates which went on before an apparent consensus about multicultural education was arrived at is whether some of the parties to that consensus and some of the agents who would have to carry it out only gave their consent on the assumption that what the policy was referring to was simply the provision of alternative provision for minorities in the low-status parts of the curriculum.

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1. Overall Aim

To look at the ways in which a small sample of schools with few or no ethnic minorities are responding to the multiracial nature of Britain today.

2. Method

Interviews/discussions with Headteachers, teachers, non-teaching staff, parents and governors (where possible) and pupils.

3. Issues to be Investigated

i. The extent to which the school (head, teachers, parents and pupils) feels it has a responsibility to inform and prepare its pupils for life in a multiracial society (or whether this is seen as a 'problem' faced only by multiracial schools).

ii. The varying perceptions of what is meant by 'multicultural' education - whether this is seen as:

- simply 'celebrating' Eid or Diwali;
- 'Black Studies' where there are black pupils;
- the latest 'trendy bandwagons';
- the education of all our children to a greater appreciation of the linguistic, cultural and religious diversity of Britain today.

iii. The extent to which the school (a) attempts and (b) succeeds to inform its pupils about ethnic minority groups in this country - their religions, cultures etc - and about the facts of immigration - numbers and distribution of ethnic minority groups and numbers of ethnic minority children now born in this country. Where schools are making progress in this field, to what extent are they receiving support and encouragement from their LEAs through the advisory services, resources centres or inservice courses.

iv. The perceptions and reactions of pupils, teachers and parents towards ethnic minority groups and how these have originated.

v. Whether the school has any explicit antiracism curriculum content - e.g. dealing with racial discrimination within social studies - or a more general policy for eradicating racism e.g. 'exchange' schemes with multiracial schools and/or a policy on racist name calling;

vi. The extent to which heads and teachers feel that their training has prepared them to adopt a 'multicultural' approach to their work and what more they feel could be done in the teacher education field in this respect;

vii. The views of pupils, teachers and parents on the potential value of ethnic minority teachers. Also, where there are any ethnic minority teachers, how they themselves see their role in 'all-white' school.

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I Introduction

1. Background

1.1 During the winter of 1982/1983 I visited 13 schools with few or no ethnic minority pupils with a brief to find out how they were responding to the need to prepare all pupils for life in multiracial Britain. The schools were situated in three local education authorities - LEA A, a rural county, LEA B, a largely rural county and LEA C, a metropolitan district - and were chosen from a short list provided by each of the LEAs. Two full days were spent in each secondary school and one full day in each primary school.

1.2 The notes which follow are presented largely in the form of anecdotes, written extracts from pupils' work or verbatim notes of conversations with head teachers, teachers and pupils. They have not been selected or structured to either support or conflict with any preconceived view of the school or the area and they represent an honest and true reflection of what I found. They are not intended to portray a complete picture, of the schools and LEAs concerned and I have not sought to pass judgement on their work but rather to give a flavour of the underlying attitudes present in each.

1.3 On completion of the visits to the schools, I met representatives of the three LEAs to inform them of my findings. Notes of these meetings are included in my report.

2. Why Us? - We have No Problems. - Some Early Misunderstandings

2.1 A letter from the Committee Secretary to three local education authorities expressed a desire to obtain information about the views held by pupils and teachers in schools with few or no ethnic minority pupils about ethnic minority groups. Yet when these visits were carried out it was usually found that head teachers expressed surprise that their schools had been chosen since they had few or no ethnic minority pupils; the multiracial character of society in Britain was not considered to have much relevance for schools which themselves were not confronted with compelling racial problems. The predominant question in the minds of most of those occupying responsible positions in schools was how they were treating ethnic minority pupils within their administration: and in almost every case the claim was 'no differently to other children' because they presented 'no problem' and so were not thought of as being 'different'.

II Attitudes found within the Schools

LEA A

1. The schools in LEA A were characterised by a persistent insularity of outlook and this was very apparent amongst members of staff who tended to remain near to their places of origin. Those who had been trained or who had taught in other parts of the country had returned to the area at the first opportunity. One teacher, locally born, who had been trained and taught out of the region, pointed out that people had traditionally remained in the locality and even people with ability would deny themselves opportunities for rewarding work and accept a lower standard of living to stay at home. She commented that people were relaxed and easy-going and there were no pressures from the few ethnic minorities in the areas of jobs or housing and in her view since those children who would move away from the area on leaving school would be the more able children who would be going to situations where they would meet educated ethnic minorities there would be no 'serious problems'. Another teacher with experience of teaching in Africa felt angry about the prejudice which was very prevalent in Britain. This was particularly suffered by a highly-qualified African teacher-friend of hers in his search for a post in Britain which took four unremitting years.

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2. Experience gained by some teachers elsewhere was not necessarily profitable in terms of race relations. One teacher had served in a multiracial school for twelve years prior to moving to this area. The practice at that time had been to treat West Indian pupils as if they were white: 'They were part of us and so we treated them exactly like white children; for example, we had a black lad who misbehaved so we belted him; it didn't do any harm at all'. He pointed out that many West Indians were good-humoured about their colour and he recalled rubbing down a black boy after a shower-bath. The boy joked, 'It's no use, sir, it won't come off'! The teacher claimed to have happy memories of that time but admitted being angry when reading in the Rampton Report (1) of West Indian discontent and protest. 'Have the immigrants been got at politically?' he asked. 'Perhaps the media hadn't got on to race at that time.' In another school a teacher referring to some of her colleagues said, 'a number of staff here have never moved outside the region'. She herself had, for many years, regularly travelled to various parts of the world, but she rejected as 'outrageous' the suggestion that there should be a reordering of priorities in the allocation of resources in British education so as to give emphasis to the correction of disadvantages suffered by ethnic minorities. 'We've got a damn sight better use for our money', she asserted.

3. Teachers in this area generally admitted to being preoccupied with their curricula and with immediate problems; considerations of the multiracial society and the preparation of pupils' attitudes towards that society occupied a very slight part in the practice of only a few teachers and none at all in that of the great majority. One teacher, who had previously taught and had served as a community worker in two large cities, described his colleagues at his present school as having very limited experience of other cultures and being only concerned with academic aspects of their subjects which he saw 'in this day and age like burying one's head in the sand'. Another admitted, 'we are very geared to exams here but we really ought to get the multiracial thing in'. One remedial teacher said, 'teachers here don't appreciate the value of other cultures. lf a child doesn't do French, he's remedial'. Another teacher claimed, 'I love all children but if my daughter came home with a black boy, I don't think I'd like it'. A regional representative of a teachers' association who had been many years in his school confessed, 'We've never given multiracial education a thought'.

4. Not surprisingly the pupils in this area were also very insular in their outlook and understanding. Teachers frequently talked of the pupils' ignorance and inability to understand urban life. Some children had never been to the city and for the great majority it was a rare experience. 'An inner city is for these children as remote as a very distant land'. They had little or no experience of a multiracial society and without exception, in the secondary schools, there were clear indications of racial prejudice in the attitudes of some of the pupils towards people from other ethnic groups regardless of whether they had had any personal knowledge of them.

School A1
1. This small 'all-white' primary school was situated in a village in which there were a few young families some of whom had moved from London and other cities. Its catchment area included a few hamlets which were dotted around the village.

2. When asked what they knew about 'immigrants', a word they did not know and which had to be explained, some of the children said they had visited cities on family excursions and had seen but not met black people on these occasions. They were interested in people's differences in colour, language, dress and said they would like to make friends with black people and live next door to them. The sister of one child had a black friend, who was liked because 'she is very kind'. A boy on a visit to London spoke to and played with some Indian boys. 'I liked them but they went,' he said. 'People don't like them, but they're no different; I would like them to come to this school'.

(1) Interim report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Education of Children from Ethnic Minority Groups.

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3. Learning that many of the black children living in this country were born here, one little boy asked, 'How can they be black if they were born in England? In India there are black skins because it's hot, but in England it's cold'. 'They might keep the heat on in the house', another boy answered.

4. This school was of special interest because it had accommodated for some six months (on an exchange with some British service families) the children of two or three Argentinian servicemen. The Spanish speaking children had no knowledge of English and were objects of great interest to the school and community. The English children responded to them as individuals with differing characteristics many of which were rather endearing and they were very popular. The Argentinians were still living in the area when their forces invaded the Falkland Islands but the event appeared to make little difference to relationships between children or adults in the village. A birthday party was given at school to one of the visiting children and there was an objection from one English mother on the grounds that 'some things are more important than friendship'. The remaining parents disagreed and deliberately placed emphasis on friendship. When the British Task Force set sail the Argentines were moved to France as a first stage to returning home. The local children and their teachers were sad at their departure. Subsequently, in the course of military action against the British Forces one of these servicemen was killed. Asked what they thought about it the school children's feelings were summed up by 'We are not happy for our friend'.

5. A travelling theatre company of four players had visited the school and performed for the children. Two of the actors were black and were described by the children as 'nice', 'interesting' and 'we liked them'. It may be significant here that their teacher had a history of positive friendship with black people in her home neighbourhood and at a Youth Club in her teenage years.

6. The Head was also positive in his aim of developing an educational curriculum 'within a moral framework'. His creative approach drew on the immediate experience of the children. He felt he could effectively deal with abstractions e.g. relationships with minority groups, such as the handicapped, but only when the opportunity presented itself and came from the children. For this reason he welcomed visitors to the school and invited them to talk with the children - if they were black or of another culture then so much the better.

School A2
1. School A2, a medium sized co-educational comprehensive secondary school, was situated in a market town. Teachers with long service at the school could recollect only having a few black families during the last dozen years. There was, I was told only one 'dark child' at present. The reaction to this fact was 'We are very lucky: we've had very few coloureds here. There are no problems of that kind in this area'.

2. Very little attention had been paid in the curriculum to preparing pupils for life in a multiracial society. In Religious Education the LEA Agreed Syllabus pays slight attention to World religions and the Head of RE stressed 'it's one of the priorities in my subject that pupils should at least know about other religions'. When dealing with Judaism, a Rabbi visits the school to talk to pupils. Attempts to deal with race and immigration are made in the Integrated Studies Course for the lower ability groups of the first two years, when stories about Africa and India are a part of the reading programme used to teach reading skills. Prejudice was a topic which occupied half a day for unemployed girls who returned to school for a MSC [Manpower Services Commission] course. The Duke of Edinburgh Award Scheme at the school provided an opportunity for some senior girls to spend time in a multiracial area of a nearby City.

3. Although the shortage of money for new books coupled with a lack of knowledge of suitable materials were put forward as reasons for not attempting a multicultural approach to the curriculum, there was also the situation of one teacher who read 'To Sir with Love' with three

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fourth year classes; they did not understand it and treated it as a 'huge joke'. Similar attempts by this teacher at introducing serious discussion had failed and a study of other cultures in a course of Religious and Social Education was described by a sixth former reminiscently as 'just another lesson and so boring'. In the same group other students considered the members of a class by drawing attention to their differences. A teacher summed up the views of many members of staff when he said 'we don't get any prejudiced views because we hardly get any ethnic minority children'.

4. The drama teacher sees her work as an overt commitment to the preparation of pupils for life in which tolerance, understanding and harmony amongst people of all kinds are essential attributes. She teaches every pupil during their third year and so has an opportunity to contribute something to the lives of all pupils during their stay at school. She is convinced that children in the region who like herself during her schooldays and in her home locality 'never saw a non-white person', should be made aware of a multiracial society. She uses role playas the most effective medium for treatment of the topic of 'Barriers' during which children have suggested the barriers of language and culture (for example the wearing of the turban in school). Another valuable experience mentioned at this school was a performance by a visiting company for fourth year pupils of a play about Hitler, Jews and Moseley followed by discussions by the company of the National Front and the treatment of ethnic minorities. This teacher also uses role play with her tutor group as a means of 'sorting out' attitudes on various questions including those of race.

5. There were clear indications of racial prejudice in the attitudes of some pupils: this was illustrated by all incident which took place when a group of senior pupils were being prepared for a visit to London. The teacher invited the group to tell her what they wanted to see in London. 'Can we go to Brixton, Miss'? one boy asked. 'Why Brixton'? queried the teacher. 'We might see some Pakis' he said. 'And his intention was not for them to make friends', observed the Deputy Head who narrated the story.

6. One teacher with pastoral responsibility expressed anxiety about racist gestures which were seen in the school, for example, National Front slogans written on notebooks and symbols drawn on the person, such as on the back of boys' hands. When informed about these signs one father replied, 'We've got to get rid of these racials'. This teacher who had made efforts to deal with these incidents effectively when they arose, expressed his conviction that in predominantly white areas, bigoted views were often held in the community and it was therefore very important for the school to get pupils to examine prejudices. 'Out of ignorance, the worst side of human nature is bred', the teacher said, 'and I don't accept the excuse that these youngsters don't know better. In fact I find that they are fairly open-minded'. This teacher was convinced that the school should be more concerned about racial prejudice and felt frustrated by the attitudes and views of some colleagues.

7. Another teacher pointed out the record of the one black boy at present attending the school - a very pleasant personality, outstanding in games and successful in his work. 'Nobody takes any notice of his colour.' This picture of success relating to one individual child was offered as evidence of good practice in the field of race relations in the school.

8. This school had experience of Gypsy children. They came from a permanent site, described as tidy and well organised, and the families were employed by farmers in vegetable picking. The present generation of children is the first to enter the school system and they have not created much difficulty. Problems arose when a boy was old enough to do useful work and therefore unlikely to attend school. An arrangement was then made between the authority and the Gypsy community that the boy would be allowed to work in the fields although he would be retained on the school register and would be visited by a social worker. The parents had no formal education themselves, no knowledge of the school system and therefore no confidence in dealing with the school. The Gypsy children were described by a senior teacher as 'usually delightful'.

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They enjoyed school as a social experience and were particularly at their ease with adults with whom they loved to chat. They had enjoyed particularly good relations with the school secretaries. The few who briefly aspired to other occupations abandoned them later and remained with their families in the field. The work ethic was strong in their make-up and they played no games; the mores of their community were firmly retained; they observed strict norms of sexual behaviour and had no dealings with non-Gypsy children of the opposite sex; they cared openly for each other, supporting one another strongly in adversity such as when they were called names by other children.

School A3
1. This voluntary aided co-educational secondary school was situated in a large market town and was 'all-white' with the exception of two Vietnamese, one Iranian, two half-Chinese and two half-Indian pupils who were, in the words of the headmaster, 'treated as pets'. A Sikh teacher was held in high esteem by staff and pupils and was held up to pupils by colleagues as a symbol of his race.

2. The Head of RE commented 'Although we are a friendly staff and look after the ethnic minority children, we've never discussed the question of the multiracial society'. This was confirmed in writings of a fourth year class which were extraordinarily free from prejudice, were remarkably fair and often naive about racial questions - for example, 'I think that when a black person is caught committing a crime, the police are more harsh on them than if it were a white person, police often pick up black people for no reason because they are just suspicious if that person is black. I think that there is not this trouble in this town because we have accepted to live with blacks instead of treating them as someone or something which is unlike us', and 'Employers are slightly racial, they would rather give a white man a job behind a desk rather than a black man. Although blacks are just as intelligent, an employer seems to have more trust in a white person. A lot of black people seem to be unemployed and spend their time walking the streets, this could be a reason why they get a bad name. Housing - most ethnic minorities seem to live in one area of a town or city, and that area always seems to be a dirty place. I'm not sure if the blacks make it that way or if the local councils deliberately house the coloured people together in a bad area'.

3. Another fourth year pupil who had previously lived in a large urban centre had a more realistic awareness of the racial scene: 'I don't feel that the West Indians, Asians, Greeks, Chinese get as good an education as the white people in this country, this in my view is very unfair. I lived in a city for a while. People who are colour prejudiced are just plain stupid. I mean we're all human, and coloured people have just as much right to make a success of their lives as white people. Therefore they should have an education equal to what white people have'.

4. To date, little thought had been given by the school to a multicultural approach to the curriculum although the Head felt that the 'warm atmosphere' noticeable in the staff room might mean that the staff would now be ready to spend time discussing education for a multiracial society. Classroom discussions exposed prejudiced views but some greater understanding is achieved by the playing of tape-recorded accounts of ethnic minorities who talk about their experiences of prejudice which has been directed against them.

School A4
1. School A4, a large co-educational comprehensive school, was situated in what was once a market town but which now has engineering and food processing industries. It was described by a member of staff as an 'an industrial town with a rural mentality' and 'an industrialised village'.

2. Again, only limited thought had been given to the possibility of a multicultural approach to the curriculum. The Head of English lamented the tendency in English teaching to drift away from an emphasis on sociological English to one on technical language. He stressed that literature and its values were his department's concern. 'We in the English Department teach a liberal

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consensus view'. He illustrated this from 'To Kill a Mocking Bird'. He referred to prejudice amongst some fourth year pupils and added 'The rest of the department and I loathe the National Front and I make my views clear to the kids'. He found a book entitled 'Invisible Man' about the Negro's position in America, 'a vitriolic statement on racism' and the writings of the African Chinowa Achebe to make effective reading in the sixth form. The LEA's Agreed Syllabus in RE includes World Religions but the treatment is rather slight which has led one RE teacher to use the more extensive Birmingham Syllabus and to introduce five major world faiths. He believes that this region should not be allowed to separate itself from the rest of Britain. The ideas conveyed by other religions however appear very strange to his pupils who find it difficult to take them seriously and, since few attend any church, are disinclined to give RE much status.

3. The drama teacher uses role play to encourage children to see other people's points of view or experiences of life. He sets theoretical situations removed from contemporary experience e.g. an unknown tribe in an Amazon jungle into which a parachutist descends; this is balanced with a small village community in a remote part of Britain at which a non-English speaking yachtsman is driven in for shelter. This teacher has not postulated racial problems for role play but agreed that they would be very suitable topics for the method the aim of which is to explore ideas, arrive at conclusions and discover principles.

4. One teacher at the school was a recent appointment having just completed a post-graduate Teaching Diploma course which included an Urban Studies option. This course included multicultural education but the options he chose with teaching practice in the region did not. The college, he said, had a firm policy of recruiting students from Africa and the Students' Union was keen to advance the welfare of overseas students; there were good race relations and this experience was helpful in preparing the attitudes of future teachers. He did not however see much value in privileged middle-class Africans teaching the children of immigrants in Britain. Perhaps their impact on the white school population might be more valuable.

5. The one black family represented in the school were said by the Head to 'have an interest value' and to be 'well received - the Chinese less so, but the staff will say there are no problems here'. There had clearly been very little experience of ethnic minority people in the community or at school. The Deputy Head mentioned an East African Asian family which had met with prejudice and unpleasantness and so left the area to live in another town. 'A group of children here could be very unpleasant - there are clear undertones of the National Front' he said. News coverage of racial matters tended to inflame antagonism towards minorities.

6. A particularly interesting person at the school was a young Indian employed as a member of the non-teaching staff. His parents had come to England from the Punjab but he was born in London and had attended school there. He not only spoke English but Punjabi with a cockney accent! He had thoroughly enjoyed his time at school and had obtained three O Levels. He had developed confidence in himself and was therefore well accepted and had made white friends. 'Groups of all Indians become targets for racialism', he said. 'Some of my closest friends were racialist but fine with me. Some other Indians didn't like me for this, but others respected me for it'. He had come to the town to visit friends and remained for a while and had then decided to take a job at the school. He felt he wanted to 'drop out from the pace of London'. When he first came to the town he was suspicious of everyone; people regarded him with curiosity and stared at him. At last to one woman who stood gaping at him at the entrance to a shop he asked, 'Have you never seen a wog before?' When the woman had recovered her breath she spluttered in indignation, 'Another Londoner come here causing trouble!' He said that the children at school were curious at first and had taken some time to make up their minds about him, but he now had no problems. His confidence and competence made him an impressive representative of his ethnic group; the value of his contribution to this school and the community far exceeded that of his role as a staff member.

7. The Head of History said, 'In every class some children would pack all immigrants back home' and the Head of Humanities illustrated the irrelevant prejudice by reference to a

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gratuitous answer written to an internal examination question about population in London. The fifth year pupil wrote: 'The only real solution in London is to chuck out all non-British citizens and cut immigration drastically to reduce the risk of more street violence in years to come'.

8. The Head of English agreed that some of the classes were strongly prejudiced against ethnic minorities although a written exercise which I gave to a top set of fourth years revealed some good understanding. Of 26 pupils in this class, 12 showed a good appraisal of what had happened in the public disturbances in Brixton and elsewhere and were in the main sympathetic to ethnic minorities. Five expressed some antipathy and nine were neutral or uncertain (sometimes anxious) in their reactions. The following are examples of their writing:

'These disturbances involved in the main black youths in conflict with the police. Their protest was that they were tired of the unjust treatment and racial discrimination they had received from the local police forces. Their resentment had been brewing for a long while, and their patience finally snapped over another incident of unfair treatment, which made it finally too much'.

'There were occasional outbreaks of fighting between blacks and whites but mostly it was young black people rioting in order to try and make people see how they felt. They smashed cars, looting of shops took place and "crowd fever" made the riots swell until finally special police forces were called in to stop the disturbances'.

'These disturbances called to the public's attention the conditions in which many blacks had to live and the resentment which they felt as a result. Blacks were encouraged to air their views and community policing was introduced to try and get the police closer to the black community'.

'I would hope that in the future all races and religions would be treated as equally as possible, and I would try to treat other races as the same as me. Although I would hope for this I would not really expect it.

People will always regard a different-coloured skin as different, and perhaps this is a good thing. Interest in other religions is good, but to be prejudiced against them is not'.

'I believe that in the future racial minorities will become less unusual and as a result people will become more accepting of them. I do think that there will always be people who resent the presence of other races in Britain, but I hope this will become a smaller and smaller minority'.

'In the future more of the black population will have been born here and so they will have greater knowledge and greater acceptance of the British way of life. If they receive equal education they will, hopefully, not be prejudiced against in jobs, and for young white people to grow up with, be educated with, and finally to work with blacks is the best way to teach them to accept each other'.

'When coloured people applied for jobs they were probably often refused work just because of their colour. It didn't seem to make any difference how many qualifications the black youths had, they were almost always turned away in favour of white people'.

'lf I was working with black people it wouldn't make an awful lot of difference to me, as I wouldn't have anything to do with them anyway'.

'Under no circumstances would I live next door to a black family. I would be worried sick in case one of my children went out with a coloured child. That would really embarrass me'.

'I don't really like any foreigners at all, it is nothing personal about just coloured people'.

'I would avoid any situation where I might have to be included in a racial community'.

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'I don't like the way of life of black people, they ought to keep their opinions to themselves'.

'I wouldn't want to live in a mixed race. I'd rather be away from coloured people'.

'The ethnic minorities would not accept British law and justice and they would not accept that the police represented this'.

'If in the future I had to live within a multiracial community, I wouldn't mind as long as they accept our laws and customs. If they got a job instead of me, as long as they were more qualified or better suited for the job, then I wouldn't complain. Different coloured people can get on, if they want to'.

'At first I would be wary of black people and probably be a bit squeamish of touching them, but would probably get used to them, hoping that I didn't embarrass too many people by my embarrassment. I wouldn't treat them any different after I got used to them and would look for the people inside them not to judge them on what you hear about them. I would still be wary of a group of blacks together as some of them still think they are badly treated by the police and employers etc.'

'I don't think that all blacks etc should be carted off back to their own countries as most of them are British and if we did that we would have to send any French, German and any other immigrants who weren't coloured as well. We imported them to do our dirty work, cheap labour so we're stuck with them'.

LEA B
1. In many ways the attitudes I encountered during my visits to schools in LEA B were similar to those encountered in LEA A. The same insularity of outlook was reflected in the schools; teachers were equally preoccupied with their curricula and little attention was paid to the need to prepare pupils for life in a multiracial society. Indeed, the major difference was that there tended to be a rather more visible ethnic minority presence both within school and in the surrounding area and thus a more readily identifiable 'target' for racist attitudes.

School B1
1. This large infants school was an example of a resourceful, adaptable school in an area of growing population. The head teacher was supported wholeheartedly by a deeply caring and conscientious staff. In keeping with the general picture of great care and attention being devoted to the needs of all pupils there was evidence of the few ethnic minority children being given a warm welcome and favourable provision.

2. The Head emphasised that the hidden curriculum fosters positive attitudes of tolerance and goodwill amongst all kinds and groups of people including the application of the Good Samaritan story to a foreigner 'without having to underline it'. The teaching staff included a former white African who had accepted the 'racial divide' without question but is now totally converted in her attitudes towards black people and expressed positive ideas about multicultural education. Teacher after teacher confidently expressed the conviction that no racial prejudice had been found from parents or children.

3. Arrangements were made for a group of about ten of the most articulate older children to join me in the Head's room during the afternoon. They were confident and talkative and the

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conversation flitted briefly from topic to topic. Suddenly one child described a holiday spent in Wales where she had seen some black children peeping at her out of a caravan. Asked whether she talked or played with them she answered, 'Oh no. I didn't want to play with black children'. Another little girl then blurted out 'I don't like black people, only Sarah' (one of the group present). Other children spontaneously chimed in 'Nor I'. I narrated this incident to the Head afterwards and she was deeply shocked by the revelation. The Deputy Head, however admitted that she had had a similar experience with children in her class some months before. She had not however reported it to the Head.

School B2
1. School B2 - a formal, strictly disciplined co-educational comprehensive school - had a largely all-white pupil population apart from a few West Indian, Asian, Iranian and Chinese pupils. Potential incidents between ethnic groups were, as far as possible, avoided. There was some concern that a group of Kenyan Asian girls had suffered from name calling and were unhappy. The Chinese children were reported to be experiencing difficulty with English and were felt to be 'probably misinterpreted in their behaviour'. The formality of the school, according to a senior member of staff made it easier for 'outsiders' - e.g. Asians - to get lost, to accept the system quietly and so to remain unnoticed and neglected. Collective worship was conducted as a distinct policy but no account was taken of faiths other than Christianity.

2. A multicultural approach to the curriculum was not considered necessary. The Deputy Head, who had previously taught in a multiracial school observed 'there is little apparent need here for a multicultural curriculum so very little is being done'. Great stress was however placed by the school on RE which is provided for all pupils using the agreed syllabus for the LEA which devoted substantial time to World faiths. According to one teacher, 'other faiths are regarded with interest and are well received. It is the only subject in the school curriculum which deals with the cultivation of attitudes towards other cultures'. Another teacher commented 'Junior schools do little in RE. This school has to start from scratch. We have to deal with shocking ignorance about Christian teaching'. Ethics is taught in the sixth form and this subject includes the discussion of Race. The general impression conveyed is that there is a strong feeling against discrimination. An exhibition on World Faiths was presented at one Parents' Evening and parents were impressed by what they saw (and smelt - they were drawn to it by the smell of incense).

3. No concessions are made to other cultures in English teaching but it was pointed out that some standard text books contain references to coloured children. Some reading books raised occasional points about race, e.g. 'Huckleberry Finn'. The published aim of the English department was 'to help children towards awareness of self and others'. In the modern languages department all children study at least one foreign language for three years. Visits are arranged each year to several European countries and an exchange system is run between pupils at the school and those of a French school. The school was careful in pairing West Indian children with French children, ensuring that families knew about one another in advance. Generally, ethnic minority children did not wish to take part in the exchanges, but those who did enjoyed the experience and there were no serious problems. The Head of Department said 'There is an antipathy to foreigners in this region; there is resistance about the children going abroad and families jib at receiving foreign children into their homes'.

4. All the teachers reported that the school, had experienced racialist incidents when the National Front was depicted in the news. Several boys were punished and one was expelled. Asian girls in the school had been the objects of attacks. One teacher said 'I've taken great pains to explain Pakistani girls' dress and behaviour as a part of their religion but they are still laughed at by the others'. The Head of History had met prejudice amongst the upper school pupils who attended local football matches. There were also supporters who visited the grounds of other clubs where they obtained National Front 'indoctrination'. Racialist literature was handed out

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locally. A senior member of staff said, 'Kids have an inbuilt racial prejudice here', whilst, at the other end of the academic scale, the teacher in charge of the Special Unit expressed his worry about 'agitators', because incidents were usually provoked. 'Incidents here could easily arise - a few hot-heads shooting their mouth off and others following like sheep'. He was worried that too much attention might be shown to ethnic minorities and that they might be given favoured treatment. 'I must watch that I don't take the side of the ethnic minorities and be seen to favour the underdog'.

5. A class of mixed ability fourth year pupils was asked to write on some aspects of immigration into Britain - numbers, languages, religions, food, housing, jobs and the public disturbances. Their statements revealed appalling ignorance - for example, estimates of numbers ranged from six million to half the population of the country (five answers) and twenty million (three answers). Of the twenty pupils the writings of eight were antagonistic and some strongly racist, two were mildly sympathetic and ten were neutral, confining themselves to the factual statements which were asked for - (opinions were given gratuitously). Here are examples of pupil writings:

'We take everybody in because we're mugs. Also girls still have different rules to English girls like they can wear trousers because its against their religion to show their legs but if they are living over here and going to our schools they should obay our rules and treeted the same as us especially as some were born in Britain. I think they should speak English. A load of Pakis own shops round here more than English. If it's our country then we should' come first. If it was the other way around they wouldn't do it for us. They also have a lot of our jobs they have such big families that probley why our unemployment is so high. I think it is silly to go rioting because nothing will be gave by the govement because their to soft'.

'I think that there are to many packys and all those foreigners in our country. I think if they were sent out we'de be a lot better off and there would be a lot more jobs about. The foreigners takes up our houses our jobs our food and sometimes our women. a lot of them come from the more poorer countries, maybe if they got out and we got jobs we might be able to send some food and other supplies over because everybody would be better of then. You see these packys riding around in rolls royces and then you see a british family with no car and not being able to hardly afford there food for a week. In Brixton there was a lot of riots and it was the coloured people who was doing this, they destroyed a lot of things and which wernt even theres to destroy they belonged to the government (british) and british police. How comes our country is so well organised and how comes there country aint'.

'There are millions of immigrants from China pakistan that speak all different languages and I think if they come to this country they should try to speak the language. A lot of these people stay in the own community and speak the own language I think this should not be aloud. I think they should be chucked out'.

'At Brixton the blacks we rioting and should not do this because we let them in and if they do this they should be chucked out for making so many deaths'.

'I think that pakistanis should not be aloud to own shops because so many whites are out of jobs that a lot of pakistanis owning all the shops along my way. (For good measure the writer repeated 'so they should all be chucked out' twice more.)'

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School B3
1. This large co-educational comprehensive school had a substantial group of Italian pupils many of whom were third generation 'immigrants', a small number of Indians and Pakistanis, some West Indians, and a few other ethnic minorities from Burma, Singapore, Europe and South America. As a group the Pakistanis were considered to be the only ones to give 'trouble' and were blamed for 'isolating themselves' by language, dress and religion. The Italians were considered to be well integrated and 'belonged here' whilst the West Indians made an effort to integrate and were quite popular on account of their 'good physique', ability in sport and 'carefree attitude'.

2. In Religious Education some attention is given to Islam in the third year and Judaism in the fourth year. The Head of Department was not convinced that the course had much value since he felt that the pupils were incapable of understanding other people's faiths or points of view. For example, they laughed at Muslim rituals and even after being given a picture of Jews' suffering in Nazi Germany they still laughed at their religious practices. This teacher admitted he did nothing and knew nothing about other World Religions - 'Islam and Judaism are important but I reserve judgement on the rest'. The Head of English admitted that the department had no books by West Indian, Asian or other ethnic minority authors: 'We make no nod towards other cultures'.

3. Questionnaires and other materials used with pupils to explore their knowledge of basic facts concerning immigration and the circumstances of ethnic minorities revealed a good deal of ignorance. The large majority of one group of fifth year girls (12 out of 16) thought that 'racial minority groups' (the term was explained) represented between 30 per cent and 65 per cent of the population in Britain. Two pupils omitted to answer and the remaining two gave 10 per cent and 20 per cent. In a class of fourth year pupils a substantial number gave 50 per cent or a higher proportion to the same question. Questions on other related issues exposed similar gross ignorance and irrational and prejudiced views.

4. The Head provided information about a mock General Election held at the school when the candidates, including a representative of the National Front, addressed the sixth form. In the voting which followed, the National Front candidate took third place and beat the Liberal. The Head expressed the opinion that the substantial vote for the NF was the result of two things: a. some of the students had taken holiday jobs working with Pakistani workers and had acquired some prejudice against them and b. that the vote was a gesture used deliberately as a reaction to the left-wing extremism displayed by some students. 'It doesn't mean however that they wouldn't behave that way in certain circumstances', the Head added.

5. A second year form was referred to as demonstrating serious racial prejudice against Pakistani girls and a tutor group was described by its teacher as 'strong recruits for the National Front'. Such manifestations of racism were attributed to the influences of parents and television 'on children 'few of whom were able to think for themselves' while others were 'herd-like'. A History teacher included a short course on facts about race in his syllabus for a fifth year group and set questions on immigration. 'The ignorance and prejudices which come out in this exercise were appalling!' he said. Another teacher told how a discussion about Race in one class which included a Pakistani boy because very pejorative in its reference to Pakistanis but treated the Pakistani boy in their midst as if he were not there.

6. A group of sixth form students were brought together for discussion. Feelings of racial prejudice were admitted amongst the group and recognised as present in the school. One described it as 'hatred of black skins'. One reason for it they thought was the threat of large numbers of other ethnic groups: 'If you're in a situation where you're outnumbered by blacks then you're wary.' The notion that young children were not prejudiced was contradicted by one student's description of the situation in an infants school where her mother worked. 'Some

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children won't sit next to a black child because their mother objects.' There was agreement that prejudice grew out of ignorance and that an understanding of other cultures should be taught from the infant stage when other religions should be included. The students considered that schools could do nothing about prejudice; it must be left to parents. Some thought it was the responsibility of the black person to make friends with others and get himself accepted. 'What if he is shy?' was asked. 'Tough luck!' was the unsympathetic answer. The group considered it was difficult to treat ethnic minorities in the same way as your own people and that teachers were disinclined to do so. If a black child was made to suffer, they believed it would be resented by the white children if the teacher tried to make it up to him. 'If you were walking down the street with a black person in Southall or Birmingham' one student asked another, 'how would you feel?' 'I'd feel proud that I was showing I'm willing to be on the same level as them', she replied (!).

School B4
1. This medium sized co-educational comprehensive school offered interesting prospects for community involvement but these had not flourished. The Community Association had diminished in membership and activity so that there was 'not even a handful of community commitment' at present. The Adult-Tutor said, 'Community is a vague notion and abstract thinking is not a commodity found very much about here'.

2. The school provides three years of RE for all pupils during which Judaism, Hinduism and Islam are studied. The Head of Department is confident that after three years pupils are beginning to have a better understanding of other people. Those who take certificate examinations include six world religions in their courses. Discussing the need for 'example rather than exhortation' in adopting a positive stance against prejudice the Head of RE admitted that in teaching World Religions he realised that he was in danger of reinforcing the children's prejudices and so he decided to introduce work on prejudice. 'Finding the ability to deal with prejudice in my own class came by self-examination. I had to look into myself and examine my own fears and prejudices such as against punks and then not to be afraid to use them but admit to pupils that I had them.' He admitted 'it is not an easy subject to deal with but that does not mean that it should be shelved or avoided'.

3. One educational activity being successfully used in this school in the nurturing and changing of attitudes was drama, particularly in the form in which it was being developed by a recently trained drama teacher i.e. based on role playing. An outline of a lesson observed will illustrate the method used and the effectiveness of the teaching strategy employed in the exploration and formulation of attitudes:

i. The teacher discusses with the class the aim of the lesson - to consider attitudes towards people in minority groups. What kind of groups?

a. Handicapped, for example in hearing (there's a deaf child in the class).
b. Coloured people suffer from other people's prejudice. A black boy says he experiences it and it's worse in school than in his home area.
c. Dirty people; a boy who is away from school is named. 'He stinks and he has nits, which is why he's away.' (The teacher explains that other children are very unkind to him.)

ii. The teacher prepared them for a rehearsal warning them not be personal and unkind to members of the class. Groups are asked to choose a scene in which someone is excluded.

iii. Children go in to their usual groups, move into corners of the room, discuss, prepare their dialogue, rehearse gestures, actions, movements and set up their furniture.

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iv. The teacher moves around the groups and discusses what each is going to do. (There is one black boy in one group and a half-caste girl in another.)

v. The groups are left to their own devices to continue their rehearsals.

vi. The class is called to order. One group is asked to come forward and the remainder sit on the floor as the audience.

Scene 1. In a bus with driver/conductor (the deaf girl). The remainder enter the bus one at a time. The half-caste enters, no-one is willing to make way for her to sit next to them. She is insulted, the others using racist jargon.

Scene 2. Passengers get off the bus and stand in a group at the bus stop. The coloured girl asks a question but she is ignored. The group discuss immigrants in a derogatory way. Busily occupied they miss the bus they intended to catch.

vii. The teacher engages the cast in discussion. Whose idea was it? - the coloured girl's. Why was it chosen? It had happened to her.

Another group was called out and performed their theme which was set in a school playground. A group of boys see a black boy approaching. 'Oh look a new kid - and he's black!' They form a group around him and taunt him feeling his hair and rubbing his skin; they look at their hands and rub them on their clothes accompanying the actions with noises of revulsion.

'What's your name? Chalkie?'
'What are you doing here?'
The baiting continues in this way until they are called into school.

The group returns for a discussion with the teacher. The black boy is asked does this happen to him. Sometimes. Today it was treated as a joke; when it happens does he find it funny? Not really. Does he meet with prejudice in his own class? Sometimes - and from the prefects who pick on him and won't allow him to do what others do.

During lunch time some senior members of the Drama Club attended a voluntary session of Drama. They acted out a scene in which two women approached a house gossiping about the daughter of the people they are about to call on. They knock, are admitted by their friend whose husband is in the room reading a paper. In conversation the visitors refer to the 'trouble' the hostess must be suffering: they refer to the daughter's relationship with a black man; the husband's attention is alerted. The visitors leave, the daughter enters and is challenged by her father; daughter admits relationship with black man and announces intention to marry him; father is furious and indulges in racist epithets which are refuted by the daughter. Mother does not contradict the racism but protects her daughter who is old enough to decide for herself. Scene ends with the daughter announcing she is leaving home and father accuses 'blacks' for breaking up his family.

Discussion: the group is asked for reactions to the scene and to an equivalent happening in their own family. They air usual problems about other people's opinions and actions, references to children of a mixed marriage. Asked whether one should try to prevent this happening or try to educate other people to accept or perhaps welcome mixed marriages the group all agreed to the latter. Referring to their own experience members of the group described how parents' attitudes in matters of race are absorbed unconsciously. All members express conviction that people are capable of a change in attitude from one of racism to one of tolerance. The group agreed with the teacher on the value of giving voice to questions of racism, acting them out and discussing them.

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few are still likely to be sceptical and dismissive. He then concentrates on them and draws them out. At this stage he may set up a role-playing situation so that pupils can work out the issues involved and often themselves verbalise acceptable solutions. This often avoids unpleasant confrontation between pupils and teacher and sublimates the aggression in the problematic situation. The more the pupils are credited with maturity and rationality the more they are likely to achieve it. When they are away from the school setting they are more likely to attain mature behaviour.

5. The Head of RE commented 'Scratch the surface in this school and racial prejudices are there very strongly in some age groups'. A group of intelligent and articulate fifth year pupils formed a discussion group under the chairmanship of an experienced teacher. The following were some of the contributions to the discussion about ethnic minorities and education:

- To learn anything about them is to say they're different. It shouldn't be forced on us in RE. We don't want it; it's boring. - It makes the gap wider.

- Why did they come here?

- There are such a few coloured people in this school we'd all be looking at them; they'd feel small.

- If they say they're British and live in England they should speak English and be British.

- We're not going to India are we?

- If a coloured family comes here they would keep themselves to themselves.

- They should not all live in one area but mix into the community.

- Because they are black they are discriminated against.

- If we accept them, they'll accept us.

- A German family which came to the village couldn't speak much English and they were not accepted.

- We are the majority and we're being horrible to them.

- What's it got to do with us? They must learn to survive.

- People are saying about a local shop. 'It's taken over by Pakis so we won't use it.'

- If they're different and don't speak English they must expect 'aggro'.

- We shouldn't let anybody come into the country without having a job to come to.

- Britain is overcrowded; immigration should be controlled.

- They bring all the family - aunts and uncles as well. It's too late now.

- We've got one black in our football team. We've got to go along with him.

- Send them back.

- We should have listened to Enoch Powell.

- They're living off the dole and social security; that's our money.

- Pakis get a house straight away, although there's a long waiting list.

- The older people here are racist, the younger are not.

- My grandmother hates blacks (others made similar statements).

- Whoever is new in this community must be very confident - go out and make friends.

- You never are accepted in a village if you're not an old family - even white families aren't accepted.

- (Speaking about one member of the group) She's against racism; it's built into her isn't it?

- If you went to live in a black community you'd be beaten up.

- I'm against blacks. I can't help it: my parents and grandparents are racist.

- If my parents say racist things I give them a mouthful.

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(on the question of whether one of their black class members who was not invited to join the discussion should have been):

- He would be the only black and feel awful.

- If he's got all pent up he might want to get it out.

- Do you know his religion? His language? No!

- It's not important. We should accept him as he is.

6. An unusual appointment at the school was that of a black African as a Head of Department. After a succession of teaching posts in England (some appointments, he explained, were due to his prowess in cricket and other games), he was made Head of Department at this school. He had been the victim of racist 'attacks' of different kinds within the school. Racial expletives and cliches both spoken and written had been directed at him from time to time which upset him initially. Then he tried to ignore them, but they reached a degree which prompted him to tell the Head that if they were allowed to continue he would be obliged to be more outspoken. He found that the less articulate the pupils, the more racist they were in their behaviour. 'When I take a low "set" I have to narrow down the work I do to form-filling and similar routine exercises. The examining of ideas is not on - it would be at my peril. They are victims of propaganda slogans and cliches because they have not other sources - they don't read. They suffer from congenital racism; they have never examined it and are unaware of it.' The teacher took great care to resist provocation and reassured himself that incidents were relatively few. 'It would be unfair to label the whole institution.' He found it more difficult to accept the unintentional racism of colleagues e.g. the man who greets him in a 'chummy' way: 'Hello dere' a West Indian style greeting spoken in a West Indian accent. 'I respond in the same accent and walk away leaving him to think out why?' Also he experienced a more sophisticated kind of racism outside school: 'You don't speak English too badly.' He found this more hurtful.

7. Provision in the adult department consisted mainly of physical activities. There were day-time classes of adults, mainly women, held on the premises. There was little demand for 'questions of the day' such as matters relating to the multiracial society. A group of women attending an afternoon class in Yoga agreed to stay on and discuss some questions relating to ethnic minorities:

- On the question of whether local children needed to be prepared for living in a multiracial society one woman said her son, a former pupil at the school, had gone to live and work in an urban area. He lived next door to Asians and grumbled that they were untidy and he objected to the smell of curry cooking. He also worked with Asians and met a lot of them at other times. His mother commented, 'If we don't like some of their ways they don't like our ways either. You have to learn to adjust. We have to tolerate them.'

- Another woman whose children were brought up in the village and educated at the local schools said her son and daughter had moved to a local town, the daughter at a college doing A Levels and her son at the university. He shared a room with five other students and he was the only white person; for him this was a totally unfamiliar experience. He was happy and had asked his mother if he could bring them home. She had agreed.

- Members of the group exchanged knowledge of situations in other towns, and also locally, where white people behaved in unkind ways towards ethnic minority neighbours, actions which included moving away. Some had the impression that in some urban areas 'there are more coloured people than white. At night there are punch-ups'. They concluded that 'children are very sheltered here.'

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- One mother expressed concern about the influence of the TV programme 'Grange Hill' in its episodes dealing with racism in school. 'My junior aged children found ideas of racism strange and are perplexed by the programme.'

- Another woman said, 'Schools here don't see the need to question and discuss these matters, but they should'. She herself helped with a children's art club in a junior school. The theme 'Indian' was presented to the children. My reaction was that it was not relevant to the children; but now I am beginning to reconsider it: perhaps we should use this theme and help the children about Indian culture.'

- The group then went on to consider other positive ways in which children's understanding and appreciation of other cultures could be organised - even limited real experiences of seeing, meeting, hearing, talking to people from ethnic minorities might stimulate projects of work on various cultures.

- All the women were in favour of the appointment of ethnic minority teachers in all-white schools. One woman, however, referred to the report that when 'the dark teacher of English came here, girls went home and cried because they couldn't understand him.'

2. In the mid 1970s the Chief Education Office had issued a statement to all head teachers concerning 'Education for a Multi-racial Society'. In examining the situation in the authority's schools this posed the question 'Is there a factor of prejudice which affects our attitude towards the young immigrant?'. This question was considered by a working party of teachers and community workers who conducted several seminars with fourth year students from local secondary schools. The sessions included a cross-cultural education simulation game which explored the nature of prejudice and a film which examined 'commonly believed racist assumptions and solutions to prejudice and racism in modern Britain'. One result was seen to be the 'questioning of attitudes, even with groups where the majority of students were extremely prejudiced' and in some instances it was claimed that even from a position of extreme racism, there was some shift of attitude in the course of the session. The working party subsequently produced a race relations teaching pack to combat the racism which they felt to be present in schools. The material was used by the Head of Social Studies in one school (School C3 below) as the basis of a course for a fourth year form. At the end of the course a questionnaire was given to the pupils - the responses were illuminating. An analysis of the responses is given at Appendix A.

School C1
1. This small infants school was an outstanding example of a school which represented family and community character to a marked degree and in a positive sense. When the LEA proposed closing the school because of low numbers, the parents organised themselves into an active pressure group and a public demonstration was staged in the town. The proposal to close the school was reversed. The young Deputy was appointed Headteacher and with several new appointments the school started a new stage of its history. The parents' pride in, and support for, the school was expressed by a group of mothers who were busily engaged in the Parents' Room making costumes for the Christmas nativity play and the school's pantomime. They expressed warm appreciation of the care devoted to the progress and welfare of their children. For them the school also expressed the identity and character of the immediate neighbourhood.

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There were few ethnic minority families in the locality. Some of them were referred to as individuals: 'I live opposite a West Indian family; the mother is the nicest person you could meet', and from another member of the group, 'My son idolised a black boy - they were friends for three years.'

2. There were children attending the school from Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Turkish Cypriot and Anglo-Indian backgrounds. The English parents said they were prepared to accept ethnic minority children at school 'as long as our children are not overpowered and as long as ours are not put aside'. They admitted knowing very little about other cultures: 'We have no chance to see how others carry on' except that 'they tell you about what they cannot eat'. It was considered worthy of comment that one member of the group's little boy had been interested in a flag of another nation and had asked her 'What country is that, Mum?' because it had been drawn to his attention at school. The mothers were also interested in some Asian wedding clothes which had been shown at school. It was felt that at the age of the children in the school all ethnic groups were friendly with one another but that as they grew up they were influenced by the National Front. The mothers deplored the attacks on Asians which were a fact of life in the area, but, they concluded 'They've got to live with it', and they pointed out it was sometimes a case of 'blacks set on whites as well as whites set on blacks'. They were convinced that there was blame on the side of the black population too. 'You can't have a difference of opinion with them because they will say 'You only say that because we're black', but if we have a difference with them we don't answer 'You said that because we're white'. They decided that 'the trouble starts when there are too many blacks' and added that 'the older people, who had immigrants pushed on to them so that they didn't grow up with them' were the people who did not accept ethnic minorities. These local residents complained that there was little provision for the leisure time of local youths so that they were left to their own devices and formed gangs which walked the streets. Unemployment amongst school leavers exacerbated the problem. It was not surprising, under the circumstances, that fights broke out between black and white groups of youths. This, they insisted did not directly involve the National Front or the British Movement.

3. The staff of this school had taken steps to avail themselves of the assistance offered by the National Association for Multiracial Education. They thought a breakthrough was necessary in schools which were complacent because there were few racial problems. They were engaged in a course of in-service education during the lunch hour when they received visiting speakers on the teaching of English as a Second Language. They particularly appreciated the value of the school-based approach. The head commented, 'The most valuable things come out in staff discussion after the speaker has left. Ideas can be incorporated into on-going work in the school. It takes a lot of confidence for a teacher to analyse and revise the content and method of her work. This is more likely to happen if teachers do it together as a staff.'

4. A black nurse accompanying the doctor who was conducting medical examinations at the school emphasised the importance of accepting people of different colour to oneself 'Children should be taught this at home', she said. 'It's wrong to leave it to the school.' The nurse quoted an incident she saw on a bus and of which she approved. A young black child asked her mother whether she could go and sit in another seat with a white woman. 'Yes, you do that', said the black mother, and released her child's hand. 'That black mum had good commonsense', said the nurse, who explained that she was a West Indian, 'but my child was born here and is British. I tell my child about back home as best I can but she must accept this country and its culture. I was showing her how to make some West Indian food, and she said, 'I'm not West Indian'. She felt that schools should help all children to know and understand one another's culture. She saw on her visits to schools that a little was being done - but not much. She trained as a nurse in a local hospital where she experienced some racial prejudice but she insisted 'I could stand up for myself even with the tutor. If you do, they say you've got a chip on your shoulder.' On the whole she was pleased with the training she received, 'I'd do the same again', she concluded.

5. 'Some of the ethnic minority parents attend everything we do', said the Head. 'They are very appreciative and want to contribute. They talk about their expectations for the children,

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which are different from other mothers' expectations.' Members of staff had got to know the three Asian mothers and learnt that they spoke three languages which increased the teachers' appreciation of them. She explained how on one occasion these mothers orally translated into their language the story of the Three Bears. They and the staff all laughed together during this exercise and it broke down barriers between them. 'The Asians are now convinced that we are now eager to hear and encourage the use of their languages.' A discussion with them about the Royal Wedding led to one of the mothers bringing to school a photograph of her Sikh wedding. In this way the school makes use of opportunities to draw on other cultures, 'and so teachers' minds must be constantly geared to the possibilities of bringing in other cultures', said the Head. 'We're encouraging Asian mums to tell us about their foods and to produce some dishes'. There was some awkwardness at parents' meetings because 'there are only a few ethnic minority parents so they feel isolated.' The Head therefore liaises between the Asian and White parents.

6. A black student on a course for nursery nurses at a local college was doing a practice at the school. The course included reference to cultural factors in food and care of the hair but the study of language development did not include English as a second language. She and an 'Asian' student on the course were invited by a tutor, from time to time, to talk to the remainder of the class about their own cultures.

7. In the staff room teachers expressed their conviction that the local community should learn about the cultures of ethnic minorities living amongst them. 'It's an awful thing that people say if they want to live here they must live as we do' and agreed that 'unless they understand that Asian culture is valued they won't recognise and accept it. Society is not stable. In time it will absorb parts of these cultures anyway and so we must help to speed up the process.'

School C2
1. At this medium sized primary school approximately 30 per cent of the pupils were of ethnic minority origin - some third generation. The majority were 'Asians' although there was a substantial group of West Indians and one family each of the Chinese, Greek and Maltese groups. Many families had a long history of residence in the neighbourhood. The school had the highest degree of multiple deprivation in the authority: to low income, unemployment, poor communications, inadequate shopping and other social amenities, unstable family relationships, single parents, were added the problems of race relations. On the positive side the more established local families had a strong spirit of devotion to the neighbourhood and were very supportive of the school. The school occupied a central position in the life of the community and the Head was approached as 'father confessor, fixer and miracle worker'.

2. The long established inhabitants were also racist. One father said to the head who had appealed to him for tolerance; 'tolerance is a middle-class luxury. You don't have black people competing for your jobs.' Yet the immediate locality is 'reasonably free from organised racism'. The National Front was strong in the neighbourhood and some parents with children in the school were members. White boys came to school with National Front leaflets. 'The children ask about this and I give the other viewpoint but they slip back to square one.' Children were chauvinistic and jingoistic about the Falklands War and wanted to join the forces.

3. A black student on teaching practice at the school talked about the racial victimisation she had previously experienced at her own secondary school. 'Boys called me "Blackie" and "Wog face" until I couldn't take any more and reacted: this got me into trouble. One of the teachers of History told us that black people were only interested in Reggae music and were not worth teaching History. He separated us from the white kids and didn't bother with us. We sat in the back of the class and messed about. Blacks didn't take History for exams - we dropped it.' The student argued very strongly in favour of schools adopting a multicultural curriculum and especially the need to give an understanding to pupils, from as early a stage as possible, of other religions. She also stressed the need for more black nursery nurses and teachers.

4. An infant teacher at the school claimed that the children saw themselves as white, e.g. a picture by a black child in a wall display in her classroom showed five children; they were all

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white. The only departure from this would be if a black child nursed a sense of grievance. Most black children were as English as the next person. They had lost any other sense of their own culture. Most of the black children in the school were born locally and had adapted to the English way of life. A few had retained their traditions and customs and brought them to school. Diwali was celebrated in the nursery with the aid of an Asian mother. The Asian children felt happy and for the English children it was a novel experience. In the infants section there were some spontaneous activities as a follow-up to Diwali. This teacher held the view that it was a mistake in a school with comparatively few ethnic minorities 'to draw attention to their colour we could do them an injustice. We are here to teach children, not to emphasise their differences.' Even young children used the term 'that chocolate over there'. 'It must come from the parents', said the teacher 'it's they who need to be educated'. Since there was such slight contact with parents it was idealistic to look in that direction for any solution to the problem. Asian women were withdrawn and behaved in a way which made it difficult for them to get to know others. They came to the school and met as a group to chat in the playground.

5. The Indian woman doctor visiting the school stressed that Asian mothers tended to have large families so that the need to look after them and to clean the house left them with little time to learn English. The doctor recommended the use of Asian language teachers which would permit the use of their own language in the primary school as the medium of teaching non-English speaking Asian children. At later stages Asian languages should not be taught in schools because Asian children at older ages did not want their mother tongue. If they needed to be taught their languages, lessons should be confined to evenings or weekends. Parents would pay for luxuries for their children and so they should pay for language lessons. Other forms of Asian culture should not be encouraged either, e.g. the exclusion of pork and beef from their diet which was originated and was meaningful only in a hot country. They were 'sentimental taboos without intellectual support'. The doctor insisted that class differences existed in Britain and were desirable. Integration should take place at one's own intellectual, educational and social level 'as water finds its own level'. About racism she accepted that human beings had always had their likes and dislikes. There was hope for a solution to the worst forms of racism in ten or twenty years time. Nursery education was essential to achieve this, to provide 'community grouping' from early years so that the 'mix will blend.' She was convinced that 'we can't change the adult population'; we must concentrate on 'sowing the seed'. Meanwhile 'we must accept and suffer'.

6. The teacher in the junior section with the most ethnic minority children in his class had found that other cultures were not being maintained to any great extent by the families. He tried to draw on contributions from the Asians for his multifaith project but got very little from them. He recalled that his college of education gave little guidance in the teaching of ethnic minorities. In his teaching practice school there were non-English speaking Sikhs. He had no idea how to teach them English. The colleges, he said, have too much to do. He noticed that certain white children would be friends with black children in their own class but antagonistic towards those in another class. 'There always has been racism and there always will be', he decided. The teacher's role was setting an example; if he showed interest in other cultures the children would become interested but he added 'since Christian social values are the ones they're going to live under, they are the main ones we have to teach'. The teacher of the fourth year class admitted that as the children passed up through the school their differences became more marked so that by the time they carne to her they were very aware of race. 'The white children do not see themselves as being one with the ethnic minorities in spite of a lot of talk by me and a lot of discussion. White kids think that Muslims and Hindus are a joke.' Some of their parents had said 'We don't want that sort of rubbish for our kids'. They referred to African music and dance as 'them Paki dances!'. Even after explanation they remained implacable.

7. Two welfare assistants on the staff had themselves attended the school as had their children and now their grandchildren. Their husbands had been dockers, had become redundant, moved to factories which had closed and in all had three times become redundant. They remembered

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22 years ago the first black woman coming to the small closed community, married to a white man. She was well accepted. Then 17 years ago West Indian families started coming in. They and white families were being rehoused in the neighbourhood - 'being dumped on us' and the older inhabitants didn't feel happy about it. The women said the biggest problems at school were between groups of Indians arguing amongst themselves in the playground. 'The Jamaicans were more friendly than the Asians', they said. 'It's probably because we can understand them more.' The main reason for racist feelings is the fear that they are taking over others' homes. 'We find that if we visit them they're thrilled. We called on one Asian family a couple of times and another Asian family became jealous: we had to be careful. Perhaps if we understood the differences between them it would be better. In the dining-room it worries us that the Indians don't eat enough. We've had the children crying because they can't get the food they like.' These women were clearly eager to learn about other ethnic groups so that they could be more effective in their work. They said they had not heard of any suitable courses. The Head promised to bring up the question of a course for non-teaching staff at a head teachers' meeting.

8. An infant teacher who had taught for 12 years in her home area, a country district, applied for this post to gain experience and was surprised to be appointed to the job. It had taken her a year to adapt herself to the work. She found the children interesting and the work challenging and would not now return to an all-white rural area. She related an incident in which she had rebuked a Pakistani child. The father was furious and accused the school of prejudiced behaviour. After a discussion he ended by agreeing with the school and promising support. He explained 'everywhere we are picked on and blamed because of our colour. I'm a black man in a white man's world'. The teacher commented 'that experience brought the situation of blacks home to me and it makes me very depressed'.

9. The Head drew attention to the serious problem of mixed marriages or liaisons in the community and the effect on the children of those relationships. There were several cases of seriously maladjusted children in school with very unstable and violent liaisons at home. The parents needed support but it was not available. They lacked cultural support from either a religious or the black or white community. There was no back-up agency. The Head felt strongly that these families had a special need and asked the question 'Are they being by-passed by the authorities?'

School C3
1. The Head of this large co-educational comprehensive school took a count of ethnic minority pupils (17 per cent at the time) for the purpose of the Inquiry. 'I don't particularly want to know', he said. 'I must not discriminate between boys and girls, the able and less able or between ethnic minorities and between them and others. Perhaps I've been "innocent" and "naive" about this, but I don't know how many children in school have blue eyes and red hair. What regard do we have for the ethnic minorities in school? All they want to know at the end of the fifth year is whether they are employable. We drive on the left in this country and it's not too comfortable to accommodate the French. The ethnic minorities, too, have tensions; the more they adapt in school the more tension there is at home, e.g. the mothers are resistant to English as I found when I went to the door of a Pakistani home.' He compared the relations between different ethnic groups with that of a marriage of two markedly different people; 'one doesn't attempt to alter the other - both have to find a way to live together'.

2. Admission to the school was from an area with a number of small employers in light manufacturing and construction industries and where employment opportunities were somewhat better than in other parts of the authority.

3. The Deputy Head had recently moved to the school after service in a girls' school which was predominantly black. She was acutely aware of an undercurrent of racial feeling although there were few instances of overt racism. Boys in the upper school were described as 'National Front below the surface'. The rest of the staff were also aware of this submerged racism but

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found it difficult to deal with. She herself was careful not to upset teachers who might not wish to discriminate in favour of a minority. Staff were concerned, but confused, and didn't know how to go about it because they were afraid to offend the white majority. 'How was one to root out prejudice'? she asked and quoted an LEA adviser who had said that by the time a pupil was eleven years of age it was already too late - prejudice was too deeply rooted. The Deputy Head agreed that 'unintentional racism in the staff certainly happened in this school because positive action was extremely difficult in a school of this kind.' Abusive racist terms were sometimes used by the staff towards ethnic minority pupils in a jocular way, but she suspected that it was sometimes hurtful to them. Relations between staff and ethnic minority parents particularly 'Asians' were difficult because of language and cultural barriers.

4. The English teachers in the school considered it their duty to provide a multicultural curriculum since it was a normal part of their work to contribute towards the development of a liberal outlook and a tolerant attitude towards people of other cultures. Although the school claimed that they were providing works by Asian and West Indian writers on the reading shelves for teachers and pupils to make use of no effort however was made by a teacher to present information unless the question was raised by the class. Pupils rejected books about their own culture and a course offered on African and Indian studies was not taken up. Language problems were experienced by all ethnic groups so no separate provision was made.

5. Religious Education is a part of the core curriculum for three years. A broad approach is adopted throughout the syllabus starting with three different stories of Creation, and in the third year looking at Judaism, Islam, Hinduism, Sikhism, Buddhism and the various forms of Christianity seen on a world basis. Children contribute information about their own religions. Questions are raised and discussed in class concerning world issues of religions in the news.

6. The Head of Lower School believed that the organisation of first year pupils is conducive to the inculcation of sound attitudes. Classes of 30 pupils are split into teams of 15 and further sub-divided into groups of five pupils. The main purpose of the organisation is to launch a determined attack on an enormous problem of underachievement in reading. The pupils interrelate closely with each other and with teachers in these units of different sizes for different stages of the work. Materials are designed and produced for the purpose by a group of teachers whose qualification is their sympathy for the aims and methods of the scheme, rather than their subject specialism. The emphasis is on a caring relationship and the use of discussion. The success of the organisation has determined its extension into the second year next session and will,provide the structure for a Humanities Programme. The organisation, methods and content of this approach is seen by the leader of this team as eminently suitable for a multicultural curriculum and the cultivation of harmonious race relations.

7. In a discussion group, sixth-formers were unanimous in recognising that Asians in the school and in the community were generally the objects of strong racial prejudice because their culture was so different but particularly because they were often heard speaking a different language. Local people were also ignorant of the Asian life style which resulted in their withdrawal into their own community. Even in the sixth form the Asians kept to themselves and formed their own clique. One girl in the group said she tried 'to bring them in' but they didn't respond. West Indians generally mixed well with the white pupils in school. A West Indian member of the group expressed his belief that ethnic minority parents should be educated to become 'British'. He thought that if he had been brought up in an area like Brixton he would be a very different person. He hated black ghettos but recognised that if blacks were more dispersed they would not have a strong voice. People said to him 'I don't mind you but I hate Pakis; they stink! Asians do not stand up for themselves. Their temperament is too quiet. Yet when they learn to be more confident they are described as flash Pakis'.

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8. A black business studies teacher at the school who was only involved with senior pupils also observed that Asians remained separate from others. They were 'polite but not friendly' and she added 'I'm surprised that they have not changed by now - still in a little group, not necessarily because they want to be but in response to other pupils. Not one of them has a white friend. There doesn't appear to be much reason. I can't say why - but with racism there is usually not a reason.' She had previously worked as manageress in an employment agency where she came up against a great deal of prejudice in employers who discriminated against black people. Often she would make an appointment over the telephone for an employer to interview a West Indian school leaver. The name would not indicate racial identity. On seeing the black applicant an appointment would not be made. Other applicants would be interviewed until a suitable white person came along and would be appointed. Some employers however openly told the agency they did not want black people. In her experience of employers, Japanese companies were the worst in this respect. Another disadvantage suffered by ethnic minority school leavers was that if they did not have GCE English and Maths but gained other certificates in subjects such as CSE Home Economics or Social Studies, employers did not understand or accept them. She gave examples of companies who rejected CSE Grade One results out of 'blind ignorance, conservatism and inflexibility'. She emphasised that there was a great need for the education authorities to enlighten the business world about examinations in use.

9. An Indian teacher spoke appreciatively of the support he received from the head and other staff. There had been occasional National Front signs and slogans directed at him, but otherwise he had experienced little trouble. He claimed that the children were respectful to him. His policy was never to interfere in racial problems amongst the pupils. That was the Head's responsibility. If an Asian pupil complained to him he would not listen. He confined himself to academic responsibilities but was conscious of the importance of his own example. He believed that Indian culture should be a part of the school curriculum in RE, History, Social Studies, Drama, Home Economics, Music, PE and Games. He considered however that other teachers on the staff seemed to have no understanding of the effect of the mono-cultural thinking and practices in the school which he felt led to the exclusion of Asians and to the underachievement of West Indians in school and in society.

10. The only teacher who appeared to show any real understanding of the way in which other cultures could be embraced within a school curriculum was the peripatetic ESL teacher who was only present at the school on two half-days a week and was restricted to the teaching of nine pupils. She was convinced that the withdrawal of ethnic minority pupils was inadvisable in the face of prejudice against them. Ideally, she felt, the role of an ESL teacher should be as a support to the class teacher with an interest and concern for the progress of all pupils, but it would depend on collaboration from other staff. She found other teachers showed good will and concern for ethnic minority pupils but were extremely nervous about making any concessions towards 'multiculturalism' in the belief that it would provoke antagonism in the white children and not be welcomed by the ethnic minorities. The unanimous view amongst staff and pupils was that the Asians were 'persona non grata' in the school and community, that they were disliked and discriminated against but that it was their own fault.

School C4
1. The stated aim and objectives for this large co-educational comprehensive school, which had only 6 per cent pupils of ethnic minority origin, included the following:

- to combat both explicitly and implicitly the destructive force of racism;

- to relate the work of the school to the changing nature, needs and demands of society at large;

- to develop in pupils an awareness of the nature of that society.

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As a consequence the curriculum of the school made direct reference to racism and, in the words of a senior member of staff: 'This is an aspect of the work of the school which is ripe for development'. A Working Party was being set up to prepare a report to the LEA.

2. Racism is admitted by staff to be rife in the school but apart from in Social Studies there has never been a unified staff attempt to introduce a multicultural curriculum, (parents challenge even the little which is being done about Race in Social Studies). The two year syllabus for RE is circumspect and cosmetic stating in its preamble the aim 'to encourage greater sensitivity to the needs of other people ... and to show the religious basis of compassion', but making no direct reference to other religions. Perhaps the greatest danger of a half-hearted approach was expressed by a black teacher in this school who stressed the danger of pupils regarding this subject as one of low status and only for those not interested in academic subjects so that they switch off. Little money was spent on the subject. The Head of English is sympathetic to the aims of multicultural education but is too enmeshed in the basic difficulties of organising the department to give much time to it. He felt that some novels such as the 'Taste of Honey' were useful in the discussion of prejudice but only an indirect approach was practicable in the classroom.

3. There had been considerable vocal and literary support for the National Front in schools. Physical attacks on Asians ('Paki-bashing') was a 'part of the local culture'. Pupils therefore regard Pakistanis and Indians as 'fair game'. Older brothers of school pupils were active and committed members of the National Front. The British Movement used to recruit actively from school pupils but recently it had collapsed. Traditionally the parents and forebears of the children were dock workers who tenaciously retained 'the ticket' (the right to a job handed down in the family) the concomitant of which was the repulse of everybody else, especially immigrants who were kept out or even literally driven away from the area which in character was like a parochial village. Within school there was a general lack of motivation - 'What's the point of doing exams? My father's got a job for me' many would say. School attendance was poor and in the fifth year only about a half of the pupils were present at any time. 30 to 40 pupils were never seen but stayed at home for no particular reason but with the connivance of parents.

4. In the face of the predominant racism in the neighbourhood and therefore in the majority of pupils, the attitudes of the staff were said to fall into one of three positions: a. acceptance of the inevitable, b. confrontation on the grounds of and by means of politics, c. a reliance on forming good relations with pupils who expected confrontation from staff and who thereby 'have the wind taken out of their sails'. Any overt racist verbal or physical attacks were treated as violations of school discipline and punished accordingly. A teacher who said 'It is essential to combat racism on the ground with kids and colleagues', asked the question 'Will every member of staff have the courage to do it?' In such a situation the staff may not get support from the home. An incident was quoted by this teacher who had reproved a boy for racist behaviour in school. The teacher threatened to inform his father but the boy replied 'Oh he says the same thing'. The same teacher reported that the school employed two Asian teachers as permanent supply teaches. He felt that in a school with pupils for whom racism was 'second nature', Asian teachers should not be placed in the most vulnerable posts which implicitly had little status.

5. A staff Working Party was mainly absorbed with an approach to the problem through the Humanities. Their task was aggravated by the literary impoverishment and the reality of a huge remedial education requirement in the school. Of the present intake, 30 per cent of the children had no reading score, 60 per cent had lower reading ages than chronological ages, leaving only 10 per cent of the children with reading ages equal to or higher than chronological age. One aim therefore was to relate a first year Integrated Studies Syllabus to the improvement of reading skills. Teachers involved in this programme did not criticise the feeder schools which they felt lacked parental support. Ethnic minority parents who had had a number of children at the school were on good

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terms with staff and attended Report Evenings but did not join the PTA: special social relations between them and the staff were considered to be too difficult. Also indigenous parents would probably be too unfriendly.

School C5
1. The catchment area of this medium sized co-educational comprehensive school consisted of a largely white population of labourers. Although situated close to' areas of intensive ethnic minority population, the school had less than 5 per cent ethnic minority pupils, the majority West Indian. The Head described a 'strong neighbourhood spirit. It is described as racist by the younger members of staff, but are they jumping at shadows?' he asked. He insisted that there was no racist behaviour in the school. In his view there should be a few ethnic minority children in each school so that 'adaptation' could more easily take place. (The concept in his mind is perhaps more accurately described as 'assimilation' since the 'adaptation' was expected from the ethnic minorities.) 'As a school we have not taken much account of being in a multi-ethnic society. This is a neighbourhood school and we do not rub shoulders with other groups.' A part of the answer he said was to 'try to build up an accepting attitude of others' and he described the results on himself of travelling abroad on holiday to the Far East. He had discovered 'how civilised other nationals are. Of course, the trouble comes when they haven't the same level as us of civilisation.' He added, 'It's a pity that God in his mercy chose to give some a different colour'. The Head's aim had always been 'to create a school which preserves the dignity and self-esteem of every individual in it'. Referring to the pupils he said, 'Behaviourwise the spectrum of ethnic minorities is not different from that of whites - just more volatile'. The Head was described by several members of staff as 'charismatic' and by others as 'paternalistic'.

2. The neighbourhood was referred to by the Deputy Head as a 'village community which strongly defends its working class traditions and prejudices'. He described some long-established black people who had married white wives and were now resentful of, and prejudiced against, more recent immigrants. They felt their status had been lowered by being classed with other immigrants. The resentment was now exacerbated by unemployment for which immigrants were blamed. Another disturbing feature was that because they could usually get jobs white pupils left school at 16. There was also evidence of animosity between Asians and West Indians who identified with whites and proved themselves in sport. Asians 'suffered silently and didn't complain'. When pupils were rebuked for racism in class, their parents had complained to the school. A white girl, who supported Asians in a discussion, was victimised by class mates and had to be transferred to another class. Thirty per cent of school entrants were described as having reading problems. 'The area had become denuded of brighter families and their places taken by "questionable" families and the community spirit weakened. Housing shortages had created the problem of immigrant multiple occupation', it was claimed.

3. The Head of Religious Education is hopeful about its success on the basis of a new two-year syllabus dealing with a. Old Testament Stories and b. World Religions. This view was arrived at as a result of two experiences. The first was impressionistic following discussions with parents of some of the second year pupils when they attended a Parents' Evening. 'The parent thought it was marvellous that their children went home and discussed the multi-faith lessons often relating what they had learnt to the content of TV News; the parents also said they had learnt from their children.' (Not one of this group of pupils ever attended a place of worship.) The second source of evidence was an assessment of the two-year course by means of a questionnaire by which the teacher learned that the children had enjoyed the course and retained a substantial amount of information about a number of the religions studied.

4. An attempt to deal with race and immigration on a third year course met with open hostility which continued through the course. The Head of Social Studies now avoids any open approach

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to the subject. The school intention is to introduce it next year in Integrated Studies for first and second years. Open discussion of prejudice or the consideration of other cultures was felt to be impossible. Extracts from literature and poems are used which are 'productive of tolerance' but even then there were some parental objections - 'We don't want anything to do with inferior races ... your books are against the white man'. In the light of this, the English department is against any policy which 'goes overboard'.

5. There was no staff policy on racist name-calling - e.g. the Head did not think the term 'Paki' to be defamatory. In fact a significant number of staff did not see 'what all the fuss was about'. The Head of Senior School insisted that he would not tolerate any overt demonstration of racism so that anyone who wore a National Front emblem would be sent home to change. There were one or two instances of this each term. He blamed television influence as 'pernicious' and following the coverage of the Brixton disorders, 'the school had to tidy up the mess'. The Head of Middle School was more complacent and expressed a great deal of satisfaction about his area of responsibility: the ethnic minority pupils got on well, there was no segregation of groups. Stress was placed on good pastoral arrangements in the third and fourth years by the organisation of pupils into half classes under the care of one teacher who was expected to know a great deal about the children. 'The organisation provides a caring institution' and this was important for the ethnic minorities, 'so we don't have the problems other schools have'. Staff often did not understand cultural differences but ethnic minority parents were given a chance to put their point of view and there were 'few confrontations' between staff and parents. Pupils were not expected to wear a school uniform and so were allowed to express their own personality. Also they were not excluded from the premises in out-of-class time, and this freedom was well accepted.

6. The Head of Lower School stated 'We are really concerned about multicultural education in a school like this'. He was convinced by his experience in his last school that there was a large proportion of black pupils who had a feeling of being rejected all round. In this school there was a good staff, he said, who cared about the pupils and gave up some of their own time, e.g. to discuss pupil cases with the visiting psychologist.

7. An Indian teacher stated that the children of the school were not willing to accept anyone of a difference race from theirs. He had a very difficult time at the beginning, but he persisted with firmness. 'Whatever my colour', he said to the pupils, 'I am here to teach you; you have to accept me as a teacher'. The situation had changed very little. 'Children still look at me as an alien who is not supposed to be here', he said. Recently a fifth year girl refused to do any work for him, 'because you are a Paki', she announced. The Head excluded her from school. 'I have to overcome the difficulty of teaching and also overcome racism.' In his last school he had helped to organise a successful Asian evening in which Asian children were involved in various activities. 'Here', he said, 'It would be disastrous to attempt such an event'.

8. The Head of English confirmed that prejudice was overt and that racist cliches were regularly 'trotted out'. The policy of his department was to 'treat all kids the same way'. This was helped by the organisation of the school in mixed ability groups which was the way they were regarded in his department, and 'not as mixed cultures'. There was no arrangement for the teaching of English as a second language.

9. The Head of Social Studies had come to the school from a school in a black area. On her arrival at this mainly white school she was greeted with Nazi signs and terms such as 'nigger lover' written on the blackboard. It was 'swept under the carpet' by senior management but she was aware of its 'threatening undercurrent'. In connection with her CSE course work, she had raised a question with a class about features of Asian culture and asked the class to do some research on Asian girls in Britain. The mother of a white girl complained, 'Now she's doing this thing on Paki'. She finds that posters and other visual materials depicting other cultures get defaced. Books receive similar treatment, especially when immigrants are referred to or visually represented as a separate group.

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10. The Head of Integrated Studies referred to his use experimentally two years ago with a third year form of materials dealing with race. Whereas normally he would expect the class to be silent on racial matters, in connection with these materials, the white pupils reacted in strong racist terms. They were difficult to manage. As a result the other teachers on the Social Studies staff were frightened and the course was dropped. 'I want to put a Race Pack in the library and my aim would be to use it as apart of school policy.' He felt however that there was a reluctance in the Head and senior staff to expose the racial prejudice which was present in the school. Also each attempt he made to raise it in the Social Studies Department was met by an admission of fear and so his wishes had been impeded.

III Meetings with the LEAs
Meetings with the three LEAs were arranged in order that officers of the authorities could be informed of the findings of the study. The following notes record the main points raised at the meetings:

LEA A
1. The report of the visits was discussed at a meeting with the Chief Education Officer and one of the Authority's senior inspectors. Both had some experience earlier in their careers of serving in multiracial schools and areas and recognised the importance of all pupils in multiracial Britain being prepared in thinking and in attitude to live in a community and a part of the country which may well be very different from the insular all-white community in which they now lived. Both nevertheless remained cautious about the way the subject of multicultural education was approached, particularly in relation to elected members, school governors, parents and teachers.

2. The Authority's adviser had been instrumental in arranging a regional course of in service education on the theme of 'multicultural education in a predominantly indigenous residential area'. A pilot project was expected to begin shortly.

3. The LEA had not so far provided any policy or guidance to schools on multicultural education but it was the intention to do so soon.

LEA B
1. A meeting with the Chief Education Officer and several senior colleagues was held to discuss the findings of the study. I told them in general terms about the nature of the findings - appalling ignorance about the facts concerning immigration and ethnic minorities, widespread racial prejudice amongst pupils, the failure of almost all teachers in these schools to adopt strategies or orient their curricula to counter the existence of prejudice or to cultivate in their pupils positive attitudes which will lead to racial harmony. I referred to the few exceptions I found usually in RE and Drama.

2. The officers felt that the appointment of suitable head teachers would be a catalyst in promoting the cause of multicultural education and the subject was now covered in depth in the interviews for headships.

3. It was clear however that although elected members were convinced of the need for, and accepted, the responsibility of providing a suitable multicultural education in multiracial schools, it was doubtful whether they could be persuaded of the need for it in all-white schools.

4. A policy statement on race relations had recently been issued to all schools - responses were awaited at the time of the meeting.

LEA C
1. A meeting with the Chief Education Officer and senior colleagues was held to discuss the findings of the survey. Although the authority has experience of dealing with the educational

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needs of ethnic minority children, the officers were unaware of the prevalent thinking on multicultural education in the mainly all white schools. The authority's Chief lnspector and the Inspector detailed to have responsibility for multicultural education admitted that they had found little or no time to look into this question. Indeed, whereas a great deal had been and was still being done in providing in-service multicultural education for multiracial schools (and much of it conducted within schools) the authority had not applied itself to a consideration of the different needs of the mainly white schools. A full time multicultural adviser was due to take up post soon after the meeting and it was clear that this area would have some priority in his brief.

2. The Chief Education Officer referred to a policy statement on multicultural education which had been sent to all primary and secondary schools in 1982 together with a request to each school to formulate its own policy on multicultural education through staff discussions. The schools were asked to forward their statements to the LEA. The Director said that the responses had been very unsatisfactory and one all white Roman Catholic school had expressed indignation at being asked to consider a field which they considered irrelevant. Other schools had responded by asking for more help and guidance in drawing up a statement of their multicultural objectives some of these showed how much schools were out of touch with current thinking in multicultural matters.

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1. What was the effect of the British Empire on the economies of countries like Africa and India? Put GOOD or BAD, and give a reason for your answer.

Good 20%
Bad 12%
Don't know or unanswered 68%

2. In the last twenty years have more people left Britain, or come into Britain? Put MORE HAVE LEFT or MORE HAVE ENTERED.

Left 80%
Entered 4%
Don't know 16%

Yes 96%
No 4%
Don't know nil

Yes 84%
No 8%
Don't know 8%

Yes 56%
No 28%
Don't know 16%

Yes 52%
No 28%
Don't know 20%

Yes 40%
No 28%
Don't know 32%

Yes 52%
No 40%
Don't know 8%

Yes 32%
No 52%
Don't know 16%

Yes 32%
No 64%
Don't know 4%

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5d. 'A smaller percentage of black people get council houses than white working class people.' YES or NO.

Yes 60%
No 28%
Don't know 12%

Yes 60%
No 24%
Don't know 16%

Examples:

Critical:

blacks are treated well considering they are immigrants. (5 times)
they must conform to the British way of life - not bring turbans (twice)
blacks are always complaining so if its better in their own country why don't they all go back there (twice)
I don't like blacks or Asians and even if Asians would all dress and look the same as us they would still be black.

they are discriminated against because they are left out (twice)
some of my friends are coloured and I get on well with them

some blacks are OK but certain black immigrants I don't like
I don't think in housing and education they are discriminated against - maybe in some areas they are

all blacks and Asians get discriminated against by whites with bad housing, in jobs, picked on by whites in school, racial attacks and black teachers get abuse from older pupils;
it's not fair blacks get blamed for everything.

Responses:

there are not enough jobs to go round because too many blacks have come to our country.

9. What are the reasons for a shortage of housing, and poor housing in this area in the 1980's?

Examples:

there are too many Pakistanis who take government's money in Social Services so there is not enough for housing (twice)
black people have taken them over (3 times)

10. Why has this area a history of prejudice towards immigrant groups? (The Jews, the Irish). Why were Mosley and the Blackshirts active before the last War?

This area is prejudiced because blacks have slowly pushed white people out.
People believe that blacks shouldn't live in Britain.

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Teenagers are fed up of them trying to take over the country (3 a load of slum areas (twice).
People believe the country should be white and want it for themselves.
Remainder: don't know or unanswered.

Yes 50%
No 20%
Don't know 24%

Yes, because white people are finding it hard to get jobs and black people have got jobs.

Unfavourable:

send all the black people back (5 times).
sack the black people and give jobs to the whites (3 times).

the whole population has to become more friendly try to find out the truth and trust other people.

13. Why do you think some white young people join groups like the NF or the British Movement?

Examples:

Support of National Front:

to get the blacks out (3 times)
they hate blacks and try to get them out
because they hate blacks as much as we do (twice)

they want to look 'hard' in front of their friends
because their parents drum it into them that blacks and Pakis ruin Britain

because they're against us
they think we are taking over their country.

Yes 56%
No 20%
Don't know 24%

Support NF and BM:

because I'm fed up with black people as much as they are they are trying to help their country solve its problems (twice)
they are truly English.

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Opposed to NF and BM:

because they start trouble (3 times)
because black people haven't done anything to them so why go around bullying them?

they have the same rights as political parties (4 times)

yes, there wouldn't be as many riots
they can't do much just trying to scare us out of the country.

Examples:

Support of NF:

they're all right it's a British country
groups like this I think are good but I only think that because I don't like blacks. If you are black or you like blacks you would think these groups are sick.

I think these groups are terrible I think they should be banned

it's up to them what they do but I wouldn't join them.

Examples:

get Asians' and blacks points of view (twice)
more discussions and asking the blacks what they think of whites have coloured persons to come in and speak on their views.

Example:

to brainwash us.

Additional questions.

1. What do you think are the results of racial prejudice in this area?

Examples:

there is misery and a wider gap in understanding each other
there is hatred between black and white and the police, anger and fights and bad housing for blacks and Asians
there are attacks and killings on blacks and Asians and are getting worse hatred between blacks and whites.

2. Have you learnt anything you did not know before from the course? YES or NO. If yes give an example.

Yes 40%
No 16%
Undecided 44%

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Changed:

Now beginning to understand them more
understand better black person's view but there is not difference between them and us found out the truth about coloureds and how they really live
I know now they don't take our jobs and houses

no it was a waste of time; we should have sent the Pakis back
no I know my own opinion and will not change my mind
no I know what I know and will not change my mind
I have learnt a lot from the course but still my mind is not changed.

not much just that we are not the cause of the problems
that we Asians are not the only ones attacked.

Yes 32%
No 40%
Undecided 28%

Unchanged:

no but not prejudiced against blacks only against Asians because the country stinks of curry
no but I don't know why
no not in any way at all but many of the things I thought they were the cause of have now gone

I've realised they've got feelings like us and had a hard time in this city
they don't take our jobs and don't do the muggings
blacks are not to blame for the situation in our country now I understand them.

Yes 36%
No 4%
Part of it 60%

teacher gave us ideas that blacks are nice but when I gave my own opinion I was called 'big mouth'.
I found it interesting but when I gave my views I was called sick so I kept my thoughts to myself.
the sessions did drag on as I don't like speaking in front of class.

Examples:

no it was not interesting because blacks just cause trouble and that's it
it was interesting that the teacher said that he liked multi-colour culture (twice)
several elements in the course were mentioned.

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6. Which part of the course did you find least interesting? Give examples.

Several items in the course were mentioned e.g. housing, because I'm not interested in their housing problems; they can fend for themselves. TV films - I did not believe what they were saying. What was coming out of it was rubbish.

7. Do you think a course like this should be taught to other classes in the school. YES or NO. Give reasons.

Yes 56%
No 20%
Undecided 24%

Positive:

because it may change the views of people therefore creating better relationships
because they will know what to expect when they get older
because most people do not know the facts about race and cultures
because we took blacks the wrong way so others should know.

We should be given more freedom in our views because teachers tried too much to make us not prejudiced
most of it was not true
they'd feel as we felt about it - we didn't agree
teacher telling you what to believe and not taking any notice of what we think.

Examples:

marriages of different cultures (5 times)
teachers should let us have our say for once instead of not taking a blind bit of notice.

Examples:

to say that blacks get bad housing is wrong; if they want nice housing they should work for it; they can find jobs if they look really hard; with money from the NHSS and Social Security they should easily be able to afford their own house; if they don't like poor housing they should go back home.

Hitler was boring (twice).

Other items in the course were mentioned.

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1. The project set out to ascertain the extent to which a small sample of schools with few or no ethnic minority pupils were responding to the need to prepare all pupils for life in multi-racial Britain. Consideration was to be given to the appropriateness of curriculum content, its presentation and the attitudes conveyed by teachers, text books, visual and auditory aids. It was also hoped to assess among the local community, the pupils and teachers, the nature, degree and origins of prejudice, and to identify reinforcing or modifying agencies.

2. During the winter of 1982/83 thirteen schools situated in three LEAs were visited. All three LEAs were County Councils; LEAs X and Z were largely rural authorities with few if any ethnic minority children whilst LEA Y had more mixed areas and some ethnic minority children in a number of schools. The schools were chosen from a short list provided by each of the LEAs and were selected to be representative of the full 5-18 age range and to include both county and voluntary schools. The wide range covered by the variety of types of school enabled impressions to be gathered on the earlier stages of prejudice and discrimination and their subsequent reinforcement or modification by natural or contrived processes over a considerable age span. Two full days were spent in each secondary school and one full day in each primary school.

3. On completion of the visits, arrangements were made to acquaint the LEAs concerned with the findings and to discuss with them the wider issues of multi-cultural education. Notes of these meetings are attached as an appendix to this report.

4. The notes which follow are not intended to portray a complete picture of the schools visited neither do they seek to pass judgement on them or their respective staffs. Indeed tribute must be paid to all of the Headteachers, teachers, pupils, governors and ancillary workers whom I met for their willingness to discuss their work.

School XI

1. School XI is a medium sized infants school in a market town., It is organised into a Reception Unit, and two parallel vertical groups operating in linked units. As a training unit for NNEB students the staff is augmented by at least one other adult. It receives senior pupils from a local secondary school on work experience programmes, and has a regular rota of parental assistance. The adult community of the school is almost exclusively female. The school is situated in a large post-war housing development, but draws its pupils from beyond the town boundaries, including a large over-wintering caravan site for Travellers and Gypsies. There are seven Travellers' children currently on roll. Some will remain over the winter months, but others may leave at short notice. The school has been adopted by the non-Catholic Travellers as 'their' school, to which the children are brought by private transport.

2. The Head's stated philosophy includes: 'Within all our work we try to help children to develop a good self-image, to be considerate and caring in their relationships, to grow in self-awareness, to develop an awareness of the needs of others, to be happy in school and contribute to its well-being in so far as they can'. These objectives are fully in concord with the principles of multi-cultural education, and it is probably not unfair to say that in part they reflect a response to the special needs of minority group children, Travellers and handicapped, within the school community, into which the Head and other teachers have been involved in extensive study.

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3. The curriculum follows traditional lines, but it is noteworthy that in recently changing the reading syllabus, the staff had sought a basic scheme that would help to 'broaden the children's horizons'. They settled for 'Reading 360' (Ginn) that introduced naturally children and adults of other ethnic groups. Some of their back-up readers extend this experience, and the 'Terraced House Books' series (Methuen) in which the text are illustrated by colour photographs, often of ethnic minority people living and working in this country, indirectly stress the similarities rather than the differences among them. Nevertheless, the majority of the other reading and library books reflect traditional Anglocentric values and attitudes.

4. During the visit the older pupils were seen rehearsing the school's annual Nativity Play. Most knew that it was set in Bethlehem, but had little realisation of where that was. The general impression seemed to be that it was probably somewhere in the South of England. On the surface it appeared that an opportunity to introduce its multi-cultural aspects had been neglected, but this might also be alleged of its religious significance. The part of Joseph was played by a lively, outgoing boy from the Travellers' winter settlement and it was clear that the other children displayed no unhealthy emotions towards him. Another, more withdrawn, Travelling pupil, told me that his only real friend was another Traveller, and that sometimes the others called him names - 'Fat Harry' (he was quite slim). The impression gained was that this was a reaction to this child's somewhat serious and withdrawn personality, possibly inculcated by an unsettled nomadic existence often in more hostile environments, rather than a response to the Travelling children in general.

5. The Head referred to their secure, close-knit social background and averred that as a relatively settled community the Travellers suffered much less from prejudice and discrimination locally than in other places. Because of the relationships built up over twelve years, the Traveller parents were less prejudiced and suspicious towards the teachers. They showed a genuine interest in the school, supported its activities, and ensured that their children were clean, well-dressed, well-spoken and respectful at all times. Easy, friendly relationships had been established between the local and the travelling mothers, and also between their children, although these friendships were apparently limited to school hours. The local children exhibited no hostility towards the Travelling children, each of whom was accepted on a purely personal basis. Sensitive enquiries failed to reveal negative stereotypes on either side. This applied equally to ethnic minorities, although it was apparent that their knowledge of them was very limited.

6. I took with me some Indian infant school story books written in English, and read stories to small groups of children, showing them the illustrations as the stories developed, Subsequent questioning revealed that they were virtually oblivious of the fact that the names, clothing and scenes were unmistakably Indian. It was the characters and their reactions to universal situations with which the children readily identified that held their attention, illustrating that at this virtually 'colour blind' stage they were perceiving similarities, not differences.

7. The teachers' attitudes towards minority children had been modified over a four-year period when they had had within the school a pupil suffering from terminal cystic fibrosis. They had been greatly exercised in ensuring that the other children, and they themselves, developed positive and helpful attitudes not only to him, but to others who were different from or less fortunate than themselves. I was able to talk to this child's mother, a helper in the school, who spoke feelingly about the hurtful comments of one or two children that had tended to undermine her son's self-image and self-confidence, and the distressing irrational attitudes of some adults towards herself because of his illness.

8. All the teachers were currently attending in-service courses on different aspects of education. Several had followed courses on handicapped pupils and Travelling children. Course attendance generally reflected a personal concern with practical aspects of their everyday work, into which the concept of multi-racial education had not yet directly entered. Like many other teachers in

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all-white areas their preoccupation with immediate problems or difficulties appeared to minimise the relevance to them of the principles of multi-cultural education. Two of the young teachers had received their initial training at colleges in which multi-cultural education was offered as an option which neither had taken up. Nevertheless they had both undertaken teaching practices in multi-racial schools and their attitudes appeared to be more sympathetic to multi-cultural principles than some other teachers.

9. The overall impression of the school was one of a warm, friendly caring community with a conscientious staff dedicated to the social, emotional and educational development of all its pupils, respecting individual differences, fostering positive self-images and inculcating an awareness of the needs of others and positive responses towards them. Racial and cultural stereotypes, prejudice and discrimination are absent from the experience of its pupils, and the school's general philosophy, sense of direction and aura would seem to safeguard their exclusion. Its only deficiency would appear to rest in its failure to portray realistically and accurately, especially in its reading material, its visuals and curriculum content, the multi-cultural complexity of modern society.

School X2

1. School X2, a large co-educational comprehensive school formed recently by the amalgamation of two single sex secondary modern schools, is situated in a former textile manufacturing town where poverty and deprivation are almost unknown. The working people seldom leave the area, and the conservative 'locals', do not easily accept 'off-comers'. This tends to isolate the teachers socially from the majority of parents. There are virtually no ethnic or foreign national-minorities and, I was informed, stereotypes, prejudice, and even racist attitudes are inherent, especially among the lower socio-economic groups.

2. Few of the teachers are local and several have taught in multi-racial schools or in multi-racial areas. Predictably, their major preoccupation focuses on creating and developing a dynamic, supportive and caring ethos and learning environment in which to promote the effective academic, intellectual, personal and social development of their pupils. They see this as necessitating a concentration, in the first instance, on the perceived, immediate needs of the pupils and the expectations of the local community, limited though these may be. Considerations like multi-cultural education are seen as probably important but not immediately germane to the present situation.

3. The curriculum is based on an amalgam of those of the previous schools with additions to cater for the more able pupils, and is under constant review and modification. A number of Department heads assured me that when future curriculum change was implemented they would endeavour to embrace the principles of multi-cultural education. They were prepared to accept change from that direction, and some went further to suggest that a national statement (not a directive) on multi-cultural education from the DES would be welcomed.

Religious Education
4. This subject aims to help pupils recognise and develop personal attitudes, and consider some of the deeper aspects of human experience. For third year pupils it concentrates on comparative religion and involves study of world religions other than Christianity, but in particular Buddhism, Islam, Hinduism and Sikhism. These religions and Judaism are also introduced in the first and second year syllabuses. The staff conceded the indifference of all pupils beyond the first year to the study of religion, whether Christianity or other faiths. The pupils, mostly lacking in faith themselves and without the benefit of family or community

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religious commitment and tradition, fail to see its relevance either now or in their future lives. Their most positive response is to the study of the lives of religious heroes and martyrs that include Mother Theresa, Martin Luther King and Dietrich Bonnhoeffer. It became apparent that in the main the syllabus related more to the history and philosophy of religions, rather than to their practice and traditions, aspects in which older pupils expressed keen interest.

5. It may, or may not, be significant that none of the RE teachers had ever been visited by, or even met, a specialist RE adviser or HMI. Two of the three had not even received the benefit of a study of comparative religions in their initial training. That RE teachers in this school are totally dependent on their own initiatives and enthusiasm to develop their professional skills and their syllabuses in what must be recognised as a dramatically changing situation is to be greatly deplored and reflects badly on initial and in-service education, and on their LEAs advisory service.

English
6. The Head of English fully accepts the importance of the principles of multi-cultural education but concedes that they feature only incidentally, if at all, in current English syllabuses. Further, he places them at low priority bearing in mind a primary commitment to building up a strong Department, and a personal conviction that since the majority of pupils will never leave their immediate monocultural environment, developing positive attitudes towards ethnic or cultural minorities is irrelevant to their needs.

7. While unable or unwilling to initiate curriculum change within his subject area, he nevertheless acknowledges that change is occurring, largely in multi-cultural schools and areas, and would happily follow a national lead, particularly if this was implemented through external examination syllabuses. In discussing examination prescribed or suggested literary texts he emphasised the great popularity of such works as 'To Kill a Mocking Bird', 'Kes', 'Cider with Rosie' and 'Spring and Port Wine', and the utter rejection of others, of which 'Pygmalion' stood out. 'To Kill a Mocking Bird' had provided a vehicle for open discussion of some racial issues, and it was interesting to learn that after heart-searching discussion the word 'Wogs' and other derogatory racial innuendoes had been expunged from a school performance of 'Zigger Zagger'. On accent and dialect he had noted that while pupils had commented in scornful amusement at West Indian dialects, they were equally, if not more scornful of, other English regional dialects.

8. Although the school has a very well-stocked library, it contains very few books about ethnic minorities, and those reflected a dated Anglocentric view. Many of the books about other countries suffer from a similar stance and oversimplification, very often in terms of want, underdevelopment, and other negative features. The librarian confessed she had never considered the need for the library to reflect the multi-racial constitution of contemporary British society, nor had anyone suggested such a need.

History
9. A traditional approach was the basis of the curriculum, starting with a study of ancient Western civilisation and following a largely chronological development interspersed with wide range 'patch' topics and drawing on a wealth of local historical associations. The fourth and fifth year pupils followed predictable CSE and GCE O Level courses in English and European history, but notable exceptions were a CSE course in 20th Century World History and a joint 16+ GCE/CSE course where the school had opted for a study of Communist China. It was surprising that in a major subject inspection by LEA advisers last year, no mention had been made about multi-racial considerations, and no observations passed about a very Anglocentric third year study of the British Empire. The Head of Department confessed that he had never thought about the implications of such an approach, and was visibly disturbed about its possible impact on the pupils in the development of their attitudes. Following the inspection, the school had introduced into the third year syllabus a short study of Parliament and democracy, and in this context it was possible if only superficially, to refer to policies on immigration, race relations and kindred issues.

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Geography
10. Only a brief discussion was possible with one member of the Department. She claimed that the Department followed courses that, in looking at other countries, endeavoured to depict a balanced view. Nevertheless, it appeared that in considering primarily the economies of the 'third world' countries, the overall impression conveyed to pupils might be one of total underdevelopment and deprivation.

11. It is perhaps appropriate at this juncture to record that the school had links with the United Nations Association, of which the Head is local Secretary, the Council for Education in World Citizenship, UNICEF and other charitable organisations that, in order to evoke an emotional, fund-raising response, depict a one-sided aspect of other nations and cultures thereby establishing and reinforcing negative stereotypes. Several of the teachers I spoke to were aware of the potential dangers of a proliferation of such propaganda.

Sixth form
12. The school maintains an open sixth form divided fairly evenly between O Level resits or upgradings, first year A Level and second-year A Level groups (for which there is a surprisingly wide choice of subjects). Bearing in mind the secondary modern origins, this is not an academic or balanced sixth form.

13. I had the opportunity of conducting a seminar for the Upper Sixth and posed the question: 'Has your school education adequately equipped you for adult life?' The quality of discussion was high, and the easy dialogue between boys and girls who up to three years ago were completely segregated, was impressive. The discussion was of necessity discursive, but certain of the pupils' concerns came quickly to the fore. These included a strong feeling that their religious education had been boring and irrelevant. It emerged that had it embraced a consideration of life's great issues and a review of the ways in which different world religions approached them, and study of the practice of other religions, including the many different Christian Sects however extreme, they would have been much happier to accept its compulsory status. The impression was strongly received that they were interested in the beliefs and religious observances of ethnic minority groups in this country as part of a process of understanding and accepting them into a plural society.

14. A very interesting discussion arose from the comment of one perceptive pupil who complained that in A Level courses, especially history, she had had to revise the attitudes and values, even some of the facts, that had been implanted throughout the preceding five years in courses leading up to O Level. In effect, although they were unable to articulate the fact, it emerged that a narrow Anglocentric view of the world and its history had been presented to them through text books, teachers and examination courses which they had accepted unquestioningly. Only now, when they were being encouraged to question and challenge all statements and attitudes, had they come to realise that they had been indoctrinated with an outdated, insular, often indefensible set of values and attitudes. That they had been forced to reject many of these values and attitudes implied, if not a rejection, as least a suspicion of all they had been taught. What disturbed them most of all was the thought that while they, representing less than 10% of the year group were in the fortunate position of being able to modify implanted attitudes and values, more than 90% had left school believing implicitly in them, and with little incentive or opportunity to have their opinions altered. A further bone of contention was the fact that they felt that education had denied them access to political ideas, and that they would probably leave school politically illiterate and comparatively easy prey to the first political pressure group that confronted them.

15. The discussion was led towards a consideration of the ethnic minorities in this country, and the general feeling towards them was one of sympathy for their disadvantages and a strong

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desire to know more about them, their cultures and traditions in the hope of establishing a mutually tolerant plural society. They all expected to meet members of ethnic minority groups, and felt that knowledge would help them to forge sound relationships.

Ethnic Minority Pupils
16. I was able to talk briefly to four ethnic minority pupils, from Africa, Pakistan, Hong Kong and the Caribbean. On the whole they felt they were not discriminated against in any way, although the Caribbean boy admitted that very rarely he had had remarks about his dark colour, to which he had retorted with comments about the physical attributes of his revilers, which effectively terminated the encounters. He seemed quite amused by it. The African girl, a six foot tall, seventeen year old, had been the recipient of a number of hurtful remarks, but these had all been about her height, not her colour. They all stressed how happy they were in the school and with their total acceptance by their peers. The second Deputy Head of the school informed me that one of the white pupils had been beaten up, on a visit to a multi-racial area, by a small gang of coloured youths. His reaction had been that the colour was coincidental, and that he might equally have received the same treatment from white youths. The experience had not appeared to evoke in him any form of racial reaction.

Conclusion
17. The overriding general impression was one of a recently-created organism struggling for survival and recognition, and that until these had been assured in terms of artificial criteria imposed by an insular, cautious community unconvinced as yet of the need for any change, causes such as multi-cultural education had little hope of recognition save by the initiatives and commitment of dedicated, individual teachers.

School X3

1. This medium sized co-educational comprehensive school is situated in a small market town, the economy of which is closely linked with agriculture and associated services. Although most of the teachers move into the area from distant parts, it appears that they quickly adopt the local lifestyle and attitudes, and accept as normal the restricted horizons. Unemployment is well below the national average and most of the school leavers find work locally.

2. The intake year (11+) is broad-banded into 3 parallel upper-ability forms and 2 lower, and operates as a self-contained community in a unit that physically reflects the informal, often very small primary schools from which the pupils are drawn. The lower school follows a traditional curriculum, with only the more able pupils taking French, the only modern language. In years 4 and 5 all pupils must take English, mathematics, geography and religious education, and 5 options from a range of GCE O Level, CSE and non-examination subjects. The sixth form, at present numbering 50 pupils, offers a small range of subjects to A Level as well as O Level resits or CSE conversions.

English
3. The Head of English has attempted through careful selection of literary studies to extend the pupils' knowledge and experience beyond their immediate environment. Among fairly recent introductions, 'The Friends', 'My Mate Shofiq', 'To Kill a Mockingbird' and 'Walkabout' for example, have provided opportunities for the discussion of multi-racial issues in the context of shared experiences. Pupils' responses are reported to reveal sensitivity, empathy and real understanding. Racist works like 'The Splendid Journey' are also studied, though to a lesser degree, to enable pupils to recognise negative stereotyping and racial prejudice and to review their own values and attitudes. The Head of English felt that the girls have more firmly rooted racist attitudes than the boys, and that with both sexes these were more strongly directed towards

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Indians and Pakistanis, than towards West Indians or Africans. He considered that television exposure, especially in entertainment and sport, had made the latter appear more conformist, more 'human', and therefore more desirable as friends and heroes. He believed that the children are sufficiently sensitive and receptive to be able easily to modify their 'feelings' whenever they are able to meet ethnic minority peers.

Geography
4. The Geography department is committed to a global approach to the subject. The O Level course followed is based on world themes, and the CSE course a series of concentric studies viewed from a British Isles, EEC, then world perspective. They are aware that reference to Empire or Commonwealth evokes uninformed racist responses and therefore make no reference to them.

History
5. The Head of History did not appear to comprehend the implications of an approach that was fairly traditional and directly geared to O Level British Social and Economic History. Only in the third year do pupils look beyond imperial horizons when they study exploration and discovery, but even this appears to be dominated by Western European attitudes. Bemoaning the dullness and irrelevance of most text books, the Head of History averred that neither he nor his staff had the necessary training, knowledge or experience to incorporate say African and Asian history into the syllabuses. After ten years of teaching in the school he was aware that many pupils have racial prejudices, although he believed that these were now fewer and less firmly held.

Religious Education
6. Religious education, which does not appear to have any serious tradition in the school, is now taught by a newly-qualified teacher. During her one-year professional course she had taken an optional course on multi-cultural education. Although she has not yet introduced a new syllabus she has already brought in a consideration of other faiths. She reiterated concern about the inward-looking propensity of the pupils, and saw this reflected in their reluctance to learn about other faiths. She had been concerned about what appeared to be strong prejudice against Jews, but soon realised that this was based on folk mythology and was a superficial and easily modified attitude. She had also experienced strongly held sex roles.

Attitudes
7. A chemistry teacher had found in his General Studies (4th and 5th year) lessons what he referred to as a pronounced 'nigger-hating' attitude. He felt that television contributed to this situation, and wondered if National Front publicity might have been another factor.

8. Discussions with other teachers reinforced the impression that in this insular community with its inherent stereotyping and antipathy towards all other unfamiliar groups or individuals, racial prejudice is perhaps no stronger than other forms. Its retention of traditional sex roles that undervalue and tend to undermine the credibility of female professionals, even doctors, and inhibit the academic and intellectual aspirations and expectations of girls, further reflects its introspective disposition.

Discussions with Pupils
9. Seminars with groups of pupils elicited a number of significant factors which were confirmed by further discussion with teachers. It became apparent that the higher ability classes embraced most of the children of mobile, professional and managerial home backgrounds with first-hand experience, and consequently more informed impressions, of ethnic minorities. Many of these were able to cite former close Asian or Caribbean friends. On the whole, however, their attitudes appeared little different from those of the children with only limited, local experience, who avowed that race and colour were of less significance than personality, interests and activities

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in choosing friends or accepting others socially. Many were able to name black people they particularly admired and respected, almost exclusively in the spheres of entertainment, sport and athletics, though they all conceded that ethnic minority people were capable of success in all other fields of human endeavour and achievement.

10. Some of the first year pupils confessed to having been admonished at home for referring to 'nigger' or 'blackies', although one girl conceded that her father was not above using similar terms himself. Fifth and sixth year pupils owned to some racial stereotypes and prejudices, but freely acknowledged that these were irrational and would probably alter on acquaintance. Some appeared to be conforming with assumed peer-group attitudes, and it was sensed that their true feelings were much more neutral, if not more positive, than they would admit, All the pupils believed that they were less prejudiced on racial issues than their parents and grandparents, and stressed that they respected others on the basis of personal qualities. They all felt that in adult life they would be likely to work and seek their recreation alongside ethnic minority people, and would like school to prepare them for this by informing them in some depth about their cultural backgrounds.

11. Opportunities arose to discuss prejudice and racial attitudes with adults associated with the school community. A parent, by profession a nurse but currently working outside nursing maintained that hospital work had helped her to develop positive racial attitudes, but that her husband, without benefit of such experience, held deep-rooted prejudices that neither reason nor persuasion could undermine. She believed that her two daughters shared her attitudes, but considered that the local community was subconsciously apathetic to racial and other minorities both within and beyond their experience. She felt that television and the national press fed this reaction. The school caretaker has enlightened views on race which, he admits, are not common within the area. He confessed to a degree of culture shock when, on a first visit to one urban area, he saw for the first time, coloured people in large numbers. His attitudes have been considerably modified by feelings of gratitude and respect for Asian hospital doctors who, he believes, saved the lives of his wife and one of his children. He likened local prejudices and attitudes towards racial minorities to the local ambivalence towards gypsies where, despite the consciously-modified behaviour of the travelling people, traditional stereotyping still persists. This focuses on attributes of dirt, noise, nuisance, brawling, stealing, cheating, poaching and trespassing, illogically based on folklore despite their contradiction by contemporary experience.

12. The school secretary was not native to the area, although she had lived there for many years. She asserted an adherence to Christian principles, pre-eminent among which was respect for others, whatever their background. Nevertheless, she had felt some racial resentment some years ago when her daughter, after teaching for two years in a multi-racial school, had suffered a total nervous breakdown in attempting to meet the needs and demands of ethnic minority children. She now concedes that the causes may have resided in her daughter, or other agencies, rather than in the pupils, and that the racial attitudes evoked were probably ill-founded and certainly irrational. Like other adults interviewed, she believes that prejudice of all types exists throughout the insular local community, and that most of the racial stereotypes and attitudes held stem from unsympathetic media treatment of ethnic minorities in this country.

13. The chairman of the school governors, whose attitude towards ethnic minorities is strongly influenced by war-time experience, insists that the malaise of modern society stems principally from the collapse of the family structure with its integral discipline and mutual respect, features that he recognises still persist among some ethnic minorities. He believes that colour and race present few direct problems for society; that if social values are restored and economic injustices removed many of the so-called race issues will disappear. While having little comment on the cause of multi-cultural education, he is convinced that racial attitudes will be enhanced by the employment of more ethnic minority teachers, whom he would be pleased to appoint to the staff of this school.

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Conclusion
14. Many of the principles of multi-cultural education are honoured, albeit indirectly, within the school's general philosophy and practices, and most of the teachers are in total sympathy with those principles. However, they lack awareness of the full range of issues implicit in preparing pupils for life in a multi-cultural society, and in many cases they are not entirely convinced of their relevance for the pupils of this school. National exhortations appear to have little influence, possibly because of a tendency to presume that multi-cultural considerations are the concern of multi-racial schools alone.

School X4
1. This medium sized co-educational comprehensive school is situated close to towns with long coal-mining traditions. Its physical location distant from sizeable shopping and cultural centres enforces an isolation and insularity that is reflected in local attitudes and lifestyles. Unemployment affects 15% of the population, but this figure disguises the relatively high proportion of unemployed school leavers most of whose only resort is to youth opportunity and work creation schemes. For several generations there has been a steady immigration from Ireland which has been accepted as natural and created few difficulties, similarity of lifestyles oiling the process of integration. That this is so is reflected in the occasionally expressed allegation that coloured people are taking 'our jobs', never in terms of Irish or other white immigrants.

2. The teaching staff has been recruited nationally and consists of many who have taught in multi-racial schools and are sympathetic to the principles of multi-cultural education. Predominantly working class, the parents have only minimal educational experience themselves and little understanding of the nature and values of education except as a route towards future employment. The school and parents were highly satisfied with last year's (the first comprehensive) O Level results, and are strongly supportive of each other within the community. Few ethnic minority pupils are admitted, and the occasional Chinese, Vietnamese and Polish children recently experienced were warmly welcomed, not least for their novelty interest.

3. The school's educational welfare office with whom I spoke referred to particularly strong inter-estate rivalry and prejudice, and felt that this was more strongly-felt and deeply-rooted than a latent racial prejudice that ignorantly lumps together all coloured peoples into a stereotyped 'Packy' on the basis of representations in television programmes like 'Grange Hill' and occasional encounters with obsequious itinerant market traders completely unrepresentative of their Indian cultural backgrounds. The existence of an 'Andy Capp'-like stereotype [Andy Capp was a popular Daily Mirror cartoon character of the time.] is confirmed by teachers who have had the opportunity at a residential centre to which they are able to take their classes for a week at a time, to explore pupils' attitudes and values in an unconstrained, constructive and developmental environment. They feel that the children's inherent disposition towards 'fairness' quickly enables them, given the opportunity to review their attitudes with the benefit of dispassionate, factual information, to eradicate such views and replace them with more positive and empathetic attitudes.

English
4. The Head of English is fully sensitised to the need for a multi-cultural approach to her subject, but confesses that this is more coincidental than deliberate. Several of the English teachers have taught in multi-racial schools, contributing to an extensive departmental experience that is again reflected, albeit often subconsciously, in their selection of books and materials and in their treatment of language and literature. Although they have not expressly considered the multi-cultural implications for their subject, it is noteworthy that the school's library and English text books have been deliberately expurgated of all books representing colonialist values and attitudes or depicting ethnic minorities in a derogatory or insensitive manner, They speak with enthusiasm of the interest and empathy aroused by such books as 'To Kill a Mocking Bird', 'Walkabout' and 'On the Run', and feel that through these and similar

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books children's perceptions are heightened in relation to others of different backgrounds, and lead to the realisation that discrimination, even in the form of skitting and name-calling, can be hurtful and uncharitable. Care is taken to ensure that these enlightening processes are not undermined by internal or external influences. There is a belief among the teachers that while 'Grange Hill', a very popular television series among pupils of all ages, sometimes compounds existing misapprehensions and stereotypes, television programmes in general are improving pupils' racial awareness and tolerance. Parental attitudes, apparently more prejudiced than the children's, are considered to be the major obstacle to a greater respect and acceptance of ethnic minority people.

Science
5. Members of the science department staff were less convinced about their role in multi-racial understanding. In biology, many opportunities are grasped to show the similarities between ethnic groups, and to present the true facts about skin colour, hair types and physical features, while in some science text books, for example Science 2000, the illustrations featuring coloured as well as white students unaffectedly lead to the implicit recognition of the multi-racial complexity of modern society.

Modern Languages
6. The head of modern language had little to contribute to the ethnic minority discussion, but feels strongly that his department's work is hampered by the deeply implanted stereotyping of the French and the Germans by comics and television. Such stereotypes are always derogatory, portraying the French as dirty, excitable, drunkards who eat 'dirty' things like snails and frogs legs, and the Germans as arrogant, aggressive, military minded and our traditional enemies.

Attitudes and Prejudices
7. The sixth form tutor, after only a term in the school, is already aware of the insularity of both parents' and pupils' attitudes. Of particular concern to him is the parents' lack of knowledge and experience of sixth form education, their apparent lack of conviction about its value and a consequent lack of confidence by the pupils. He has found that by normal standards his pupils are very immature in their attitudes and judgements. Their knowledge and experience of life in other parts of the country, far less other parts of the world, is extremely narrow. He has found them naive and undiscriminating in making judgement values, and although relatively innocent of racial discrimination, overridden with misapprehensions and folk mythology about racial matters.

8. The head of science voiced local concern over the television exposure of the Brixton and Bristol disorders that implied a purely racial gesture and evoked an equally unbalanced local anti-black reaction. There had also been real fear that local white youths might, for perhaps different reasons, be inspired into 'copycat' demonstrations. This fear was not allayed until several days after the vivid television reports had been screened. Indirectly they had had the effect of bringing to the surface many of the latent racial stereotypes and prejudices common among the older generation.

9. One of the Heads of House has slightly different views about racial attitudes and prejudice. He is one of the few local teachers who entered teacher training as a mature student. His perception is perhaps heightened by the fact that he and his wife have two adopted West Indian children. He feels that the local people are at least as prejudiced as any in other places, though he believes they are not now as intense as formerly. But they are quick to react among themselves to national political and social issues, when latent anti-black, extreme leftwing views come to the surface. He feels that the influence of press and television tends to inflame such prejudices founded on isolated and uninformed impressions and stereotypes. This is reinforced by the accretion of believed confirmatory 'evidence' selected by the individual to justify his attitude.

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This teacher feels that such prejudice is almost beyond modification. He is much happier however about the younger generations who, he feels, are certainly less prejudiced, and, given a balanced, objective and factually accurate view of other groups, will develop more positive attitudes of acceptance and respect. His own adopted children have been both the subject and the reciprocators of name-calling, which they regard with amusement and even pleasure. Of course, in a white community, heads have turned when he has been out with his black children, but he imputes this to curiosity or interest, not to any expression of disapproval or disfavour. He does, however, feel that different forms of stereotyping in books or on television, are extremely influential and should be expunged from all children's and adults' experiences.

Discussions with Pupils
10. When invited to express their feelings towards other groups the comments of a small group of top set, first year pupils are invariably critical or uncomplimentary, e.g. Scots are arrogant, drunkards, mean; Irish are bad-tempered, drunks, troublemakers; Irish Catholics are called 'Red Necks,' Irish Protestants are referred to as 'Prods', 'Prodiwogs' or 'Golliwogs'; a golliwog may also be anyone, of whatever skin pigmentation, who has curly or frizzy hair; all coloured people are called 'Packies'; and Black people, and whites with swarthy complexions, are called 'Niggers'. One girl had been flattered to be called 'Brown Girl in the Ring'. (They sensitively exclude from these categories the few minority group children in the school.)

11. The children have obviously been exposed to many of the folk myths about ethnic minorities, including multiple-family occupation of houses, and taking white people's jobs, but when challenged they readily recognise the possibility that those may be, at worst, exaggerations of the truth. Their preoccupation with 'fairness' tempers their attitudes. Towards all minorities they have tolerance and some understanding. They all watch 'Grange Hill' on television and their attitude to the Sikh boy's right to wear his turban and to the issue of both arranged and mixed marriages is open and sympathetic. They do, however, appreciate that many of their parents are opposed to mixed race marriages.

Without exception they would all like to learn more in school about ethnic minority religions and cultures, and would be very pleased if, to compensate for their isolation and insularity, exchanges could be arranged with schools in multi-racial areas. Similar views are held by older pupils, especially in the sixth form, who want to grow up in a plural society where individual and group differences are accepted and respected. Among the older pupils is a sense that their obvious political naivety is a reflection of school's apparent unwillingness to expose them to political ideologies and strategies.

Conclusions
12. The overall impression received was one of a school struggling in the face of severe local constraints to establish in a comprehensive role, a credibility and respectability inevitably founded on academic results but also conscious of a moral responsibility to prepare its pupils in every possible way for adult life in a wider society that is culturally diverse and often more sophisticated than the local community. To these ends the considerable contribution of some teachers, experienced in multi-racial schools elsewhere and totally committed to the principles of multi-cultural education has to be recognised. But the uneasy feeling remains that the expectations of a majority of teachers, depressed because of stereotyped assumptions about pupil potential and reinforced by modest pupil and parent aspirations, could result in underachievement both in academic standards and in personal development.

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School YI

1. This large primary school with nursery provision is situated in the centre of a council housing development. Property owned by the Council represents 96% of the accommodation in the area. The unemployment rate in the town is about 25% - that of the council estate exceeds 40%.

2. On admission to the nursery unit, most children are suffering from severe linguistic deprivation, and find communication difficult. They have no experience of traditional nursery rhymes or fairy tales on which to draw, and social graces can be minimal. Day trips are the only holidays that some children have had.

3. Most of the children entering the infant department do so from the nursery unit. The initial reading syllabus is based on a variety of commercial schemes, including Ginn 360, Crown, One Two Three and Away and Gay Way, colour coded for degree of difficulty and progression commensurate with the relatively lower overall ability of the children. Many of these reading schemes portray in pictures, characters and stories, a good multi-racial cross section. Library books make a similar contribution.

4. In addition to linguistic deprivation, a surprisingly high number of infants are treated by visiting specialists for speech defects. While reading is important to the department, perhaps greater priority is accorded to compensatory language development. Approximately 20 pupils from the infant and junior departments have been referred and assessed as suitable for special education but in the absence of special school places for them, they receive additional compensatory teaching from two visiting teachers from a local ESN school.

5. The junior syllabuses follow fairly traditional patterns, but with frequent injections of multi-cultural topics and themes. Academic levels throughout the school are lower than average, and the Head believes that had there still been 11+ selection, very few would have attained the standard to qualify for grammar school entry.

6. Many staff have attended locally-mounted courses in multi-cultural education, and this is reflected in many ways in the everyday transactions of the school. In addition to following the suggestion of the Schools Council project Education for a Multiracial Society, that multi-cultural principles should permeate the curriculum, a number of initiatives have been started. Many classes use television broadcasts, and when multi-cultural topics are involved these are followed up and related to the regional context.

7. In order to evoke empathy and understanding the school is sponsor to a boy in an Indian village, and sends not less that £1.50 a week subscribed voluntarily in odd pennies by the pupils themselves. As part of the overall sponsorship scheme, an Indian teacher and one or two Indian pupils visits this country and the sponsoring schools annually to talk about life in their homes, emphasising the positive aspects and placing local deprivations in a national context.

8. Periodically, artefacts relating to ethnic minority cultures, received from a variety of sources, are circulated around school to feature in class studies and discussions, again emphasising ingenuity, craftsmanship and appropriateness rather than concentrating on exotic or primitive features. Of particular interest are collections of artefacts and books compiled from contributions by the local ethnic minorities, and therefore guaranteed in authenticity and validity.

9. Teacher exchanges with multi-racial schools have enabled staff to experience at first-hand the cultures of pupils within them, but of special significance is a new venture now in the final stages of planning. This is a class-exchange scheme, initiated by the Head, that will entail a class of pupils spending a half day at one off our multi-racial schools nearby and experiencing normal lessons paired off with an ethnic minority pupil. They will also sample each other's diets and have opportunities to wear their types of clothing, play their games and possibly meet their parents. The multi-racial school will reciprocate the process shortly afterwards.

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10. Of all the other forms of prejudice held, that against racial minorities is second only to the sex role attitude. It differs from the latter principally in the fact that it is less overt, but of its existence, especially among parents, there is no doubt. When it does surface it tends, in this area of high unemployment, to focus on assumed job competition, but is also fuelled by a widespread belief that Asian workers, by their diligence and willingness to work long hours, have somehow undermined trade union 'rights' and 'perks'. Yet dual standards are often applied, the professional Asian - doctor, nurse, teacher - being held in high esteem. This school had, until recently, an Indian teacher on the staff, and the Head is pleased to boast that he was respected and admired by pupils, parents and colleagues alike, never once being the recipient of unkind remarks or any other form of discrimination.

11. The teachers believe that in the nursery unit and infant department children notice colour much less than personality or other physical features, and remain egocentrically unprejudiced about race. From about seven upwards they are becoming accustomed and tuned-in to parental racial attitudes that, fuelled by television and film impressions harden into personal attitudes. These are believed to be fairly superficial, and are only manifested by name-calling (Nigger, Wog etc). Of the nine children of ethnic minority parents only one has been known to be the butt of other pupils, and this was believed to be a personality-orientated reaction.

12. Discussions with children of junior age revealed irrational attitudes to other groups - gypsies, Scots, Irish, for example - but these were often unjustifiable when asked for reasons. Stereotypes obviously play a part in such attitudes, as occasionally does generalisation from isolated incidents. Several children who said they hated Irish and Scots withdrew their statements when told that two of their teachers were of that descent. They all admitted calling others unkind names, but the examples given related to habits or physical features other than colour.

School Y2

1. This large co-educational comprehensive school is situated in a small market town linked commercially, economically and administratively with nearby industrial areas. Around the nucleus of the old village are situated a number of housing developments mainly of owner-occupied properties accommodating a middle-class community in which social classes 2 and 3 predominate. Unemployment at adult level is well below the regional average, but is just beginning to bite in the school leaving sector. The community preserves a strong local identity and independence. Newcomers, who tend quickly to adopt the values and attitudes of its sub-culture, are readily accepted. Most pupils live near to the school and represent a very wide socio-economic spectrum skewed towards the upper end. The Head and staff are proud to proclaim a strong academic emphasis in the work of the school, but stress that life-skills are not neglected. The school is pervaded with an atmosphere of calm, conscientious industry.

Assemblies and Religious Education
2. School assemblies are held on both year group and house bases and deal with moral and religious topics, often invoking aspects of the faiths, cultures and lifestyles of other people in a positive and informative manner. They are led by teachers, whose collective experience, knowledge and commitment afford consideration of a wide range of issues among which questions of race, respect, relationships, stereotypes, prejudice and discrimination are regularly featured. Yet the religious education syllabus, concentrating on Biblical studies and moral education in a narrow, traditional manner, by-passes the whole area of comparative religion. Theology is the least popular subject of the curriculum, and the numbers taking it to external examination level are minimal. At present the department has the temporary benefit of an experienced RE teacher who has unilaterally introduced a multi-faith dimension into the syllabus, which he feels is welcomed by pupils who have a strong aversion to the abstract philosophical

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study of Christianity. He deplores the lack of a multi-faith dimension in the syllabus, as well as the sterile manner in which Christianity is treated, and the narrow historical consideration of Judaism, never acknowledged as a valid contemporary faith. Should the syllabus be changed, the problem that will loom largest is the re-education of two senior departmental teachers, whose knowledge of other major religions is very limited. And like the community of their adoption, they equate strangeness with threat. The Head of Humanities, of which religious education is part, is a committed multi-culturalist and, convinced that persuasion is more likely to succeed than direction, is gently trying to institute some broadening of the curriculum in Religious education.

Humanities
3. As an initial attempt to bring together under a common theme the work of the History, Geography, Social Studies and RE Departments, the Head of Humanities instituted in 1982, Festival of India Year, the school's own Festival of India. A full term was spent considering all aspects of Indian life, culture and history. One significant feature was the in-depth study of an Indian village, showing it in a developing situation and drawing comparisons with similar comparatively recent changes in English villages. But perhaps most important were exchange visits with a school with a high proportion of Indian pupils. Additionally, Sikh, Hindu and Muslim leaders visited the school to talk about their religions and staff visits to a Sikh temple and to the Hindu festival of Diwali helped them to understand more about these faiths. Throughout the project the faculty received generous support from the parent-teacher association and culminated in an ambitious Indian evening in the school. The evening was open to the local community, and public interest and response was so great that the school had never before held so many people at one time. Parents were very warm and positive in their response, and none questioned the validity of such a project. It is hoped to institute similar projects on other ethnic groups in future years. The Head and staff are of the firm opinion that this project did much to correct misconceptions and stereotypes, and to develop more positive attitudes to ethnic minority groups.

Geography
4. Geography teaching in the lower school is organised on a concentric principle starting with the known and extending frontiers from that base. First year pupils are involved in day visits to nearby villages, towns and industrial centres to experience their atmosphere and significance. Second year pupils are encouraged to join an overseas study trip, usually to the Netherlands, to experience life in a different cultural grouping. In the third year, relating their studies to the previous two years' experience, world topics are considered, including those affecting developing communities. Material from a Multicultural Centre is used to supplement information received from a variety of official sources, many text books on economic geography rapidly becoming out of date as countries begin to exploit new resources, like oil, and new markets. It is interesting to note that this department has abandoned the Geography for the Young School Leaver Programme because it felt that it incorporated racist implications.

History
5. The Head of Faculty is concerned about the very traditional approach to History. Falling within the umbrella of Environment Studies in years 1 and 2 changes of attitudes and emphasis have been effected. But the entrenched attitudes of History department staff have resisted all attempts to wean it away from an almost exclusively 20th century European preoccupation. It is felt that this war-orientated approach might well be influential in reinforcing anti-German attitudes among many pupils in the school. The LEA has instituted a curriculum review exercise throughout all its schools, and it is hoped that this might influence future curriculum attitudes and approaches. The text books used by the school are unquestionably Eurocentric, if not biased Anglo-centrically.

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English
6. Little opportunity presented itself for a review of English teaching in the school, but the impression of a fairly traditional, classically-rooted department was alleviated by the attitude of one department member who also operates the school's bookshop. This lady taught until quite recently in a strongly sectarian school in Belfast, and has first hand experience of sectarian hatred, discrimination and prejudice, through which she empathises with ethnic minority people in England. In her teaching, especially of literature, she tries to convey this sentiment to her pupils whom she feels are apathetic and unresponsive. Within the local community she identifies two distinct groups, a liberal, upper section affecting condescending acceptance of ethnic minorities, and a defensive lower section asserting antipathetic attitudes to all other groups, among which racism is prominent. These attitudes are manifested when pupils are invited to read novels about minority ethnic group characters, but may be accentuated by a lack of interest or empathy in anyone or anything beyond their immediate experience. They completely reject, in the school bookshop, any books portraying black people on dust-covers.

Modern Languages
7. A modern languages teacher believes that in the school there is prejudice against French, German and coloured people, and refers to the difficulties encountered by a black French-Algerian teacher in obtaining a post in the area. Although German is taught in the school and a German language assistant is attached on a half-time basis, the influence of comics, war-films and parental attitudes in implanting stereotypes and prejudice is difficult to overcome. Exchange visits with German schools have tempered adverse attitudes for some children, but since there is no tradition among the parents of overseas travel, the effects of these experiences are short-lived. Similar prejudices are directed towards other groups, and in a sort of prejudicial pecking order it is interesting to note that the Scots are in greater favour than the Southern English. At the other end of the scale are black people, whatever their country of origin, and the abuse directed towards black professional footballers at regional matches is an embarrassment to very many, probably a majority, of fellow spectators. In addition to these national or racial prejudices, this teacher has noted instances of prejudice across social classes, especially upwards against the more affluent, the better educated, the better spoken; prejudice of various types conditioned by the male chauvinist domination tradition; and prejudice towards aspects of the curriculum conditioned by their perceived value and utility. This last predilection is illustrated by the low take-up of modern language options compared with mathematics, sciences and English. The attitudes of parents are considered to be a very strong influence on the children of this school.

Art
8. The Head of Art, once a commercial designer in London, has been strongly influenced by Rastafarian contributions to art, as well as a specialised interest in Indian art. He makes no attempt to introduce 'ethnic art' into his teaching, believing that art has no racial or national frontiers, but in the examples he places before his pupils he draws on a wide range of expression, including e.g. Japanese screen printing and other techniques often suggesting that these can be superior to British national or European processes.

Careers
9. Like many of his colleagues, the Careers teacher is aware of the strong influence parents have over their children in relation to careers guidance. Within the engineering and light industrial sectors he is conscious of covert sex discrimination, but he has not been aware of any racial discrimination, although his experience here is very limited.

Home Economics
10. The Home Economics teacher who has attended a local course on cookery in multi-racial schools introduces cooking from all over the world into her syllabuses. In other studies, as for

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example year 1's Home and Family course, she covers overseas home life in such a way as to stress the more positive aspects, Culturally-biased requirements such as table-setting are excluded, and on the practical side presentation is the dominant aim. She finds many of the children conservative in their tastes, often rejecting initially any unusual food on such tenuous grounds as that 'it stinks'. But she finds consolation and optimism in the extremely well-supported adult evening classes she runs in Indian cookery, believing that this facilitates a two-pronged attack on what must be classed as food prejudice.

The Pupils
11. Opportunities arose on this visit to conduct seminars with groups of pupils. The first was most disastrous, yet probably most revealing. A group of lowest ability fifth year pupils reported to me in a seminar room. After briefly introducing myself I asked if they knew why they had been sent to me, to be surprised by the aggressive response 'we've got to talk to you about niggers and wogs and things' from the dominant member of the group. Of all the groups seen this was the only one where such an attitude had been posed, and caused reflection on the attitudes and sensitivity of the teacher who had sent them. Following the lead of the dominant boy, they all confessed to strong views about ethnic minorities, revelling in the opportunity to display their knowledge of words like nigger, coon, nig-nog and Packy, although the girls disputed some of the more outrageous and patently inaccurate or irrational statements. Gentle probing revealed that their experience was extremely limited. One boy who said he hated the Chinese based his reasons on having been chased out of a Chinese takeaway for throwing an apple core into a boiling pan of food. The dominant one based his proclaimed aversion to 'Packies' on his experience in a nearby shop owned and staffed by Pakistanis. He said that when he went into the shop there were a number of Pakistanis standing around and they looked at him and started talking in their own language and laughing. When asked to explain his attitude he responded 'Who do they think they are, coming here and taking our jobs?' then more significantly 'I'm just as good as they are'. Yet this attitude is not directed towards his Indian general practitioner, for whom he has considerable regard and respect. The unmistakable sense of inferiority revealed by this remark was further reflected in the group's equally contemptuous attitudes to other groups, but particularly towards their more affluent and more successful peers, compared with whom they form a small minority.

12. The middle and upper fifth form pupils at this school share the sentiments and lifestyles of the sixth-formers, who generally reflect the middle-class values and attitudes of their parents. A survey among lower sixth pupils reveals that newspapers, other than evening issues casually brought in by fathers, are not normally available to them at home. Perhaps surprisingly none received either the Times or Guardian, and only one the Telegraph; the tabloids receiving almost exclusive circulation. The consequences of this phenomenon on attitude formation cannot be ignored. A recent move which introduces a compulsory General Studies component directed towards the development of life-skills and introduces pupils to contemporary social and political issues has only reluctantly been accepted by academically-orientated parents. Within its compass and through the writings of such commentators as Margaret Mead and Leslie Newbiggin, multi-racial and multi-faith topics are studied and debated. Pupils are unconvinced about the relevance of such studies, but are prepared to give them an open hearing. Their knowledge is still very limited, but their repeated desire to learn more about other peoples' beliefs and lifestyles offers promise of even better attitudes and stronger conviction. The majority of the upper sixth form pupils bestow greater credibility and respect on personal qualities than on racial, national or sectarian associations. They tend to be embarrassed by their parents' prejudices and insularity, as well as by the low image of the area in which they live. Most of them aspire to higher education and to experience life in an emancipated, heterogeneous society.

Conclusion
13. It is difficult to summarise the impressions received in this school. In many ways it presents close similarities with other schools in that it perpetuates regional characteristics through an

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inward-looking, self-conscious and defensive parochialism that is apathetic to conditions and issues beyond its immediate experience and influence. In others it suggests a desire from its more enlightened members to leap beyond its self-imposed boundaries into an emancipated, more tolerant pluralist society.

School Y3

1. This large co-educational comprehensive school is situated in a town which despite its proximity to a number of urban centres preserves its own individual traditions and dialect peculiarities within a dogged and narrow local identity, The majority of fathers follow semiskilled or unskilled occupations, have little personal experience of post 16+ education, and live in either council houses (60%) or on small estates of owner-occupied terraced or semi-detached properties. Despite a 30% unemployment rate, the prevailing impression received is one of affluence and contentment.

Religious Education
2. Although in its prospectus the school prescribes a Christian education for all its pupils, it is interesting to note that elements of comparative religion are increasingly introduced. The Head of Religious education, in consultation with department staff, has devised a new syllabus that tries to develop concepts of self, truth, morality and causality. Through this approach the recognition and respect for other world religions is facilitated. The fourth and fifth year pupils follow syllabuses leading to GCE O Level or CSE examinations. A few non-examination pupils follow courses that concentrate on relationships, and in these the consideration of other religions and ethnic minorities are featured.

English
3. The Head of English, while recognising the need to remove from the classroom and library those books that portray ethnic minorities in an insulting or derogatory manner or are written from an imperialistic, colonialist viewpoint, expressed mild concern at the possible repercussions against imposing too many multi-cultural books too quickly. He feels that while the children react favourably towards books like 'Walkabout', others like 'To Sir With Love' can be so unreal and so far from their experience as to incur rejection both of the story and of the characters. Another teacher is less inhibited towards the introduction of books about or written by ethnic minority people. She feels that the principal attributes of the local community, reflected in their children, are insularity - 'self-centred, clannish, interrelated'; apathy rather than antipathy towards minority groups, political issues, or even life outside their home town; and an acquiescence with social and economic relegation. She has not personally encountered discrimination or prejudice, although she has been made aware of strong feelings by some against the Irish, Germans and latterly Argentinians. In these instances she believes that media presentation of political or historical situations have brought to the surface latent prejudices and attitudes that might equally pertain to ethnic minorities. She also considers that band exchanges between this school and German schools have exerted a strong corrective influence and helped to develop positive feelings and relationships towards the German people as a whole. Similarly, she feels that the presence in this school of one or two black children has helped to stress their individuality yet personal similarities, to the benefit of positive attitudes towards ethnic minority groups in general.

Geography
4. Geography teachers in the school consider that the pupils, like their parents, have a low personal and community image that makes them turn inwards to their familiar and comfortable society that protects them from a potentially hostile world beyond. Despite the school's ownership of a coach and minibus, school holidays and field trips are only achieved by strong persuasion. Limited horizons and attitudes discourage curiosity about other places while common misconceptions about people and their lifestyles, even in nearby towns, render pupils unsympathetic and uninterested in other people's situations. Hence Geography is a difficult

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subject to teach and relatively few pupils choose it as an examination option. It is perhaps unfortunate that the world map on permanent display in a geography room proclaiming in bold red all the countries of the British Commonwealth insinuates an outdated British colonialist supremacy, although in fairness, the department has shed a number of text books that portray such an attitude.

History
5. The Head of History has similar opinions on the pupils and community that he refers to as a 'narrow enclave resenting intrusion and interference from without'. He feels that this attitude can breed prejudice against anything or anyone that is unfamiliar. Conformity with majority opinion is expected, and individual dissension regarded as betrayal. The only known feeling of antipathy among the community is towards the IRA, but this does not extend to Irish people in general. He believes the pupils, like their parents, to be politically naive, and finds it difficult to arouse their awareness.

The Pupils
6. Discussions with groups of pupils of all levels of ability confirm many of the teachers' views. Third year children reveal social immaturity and harbour many of the stereotypes and prejudices endemic within the community, among which racial attitudes, in the absence of everyday experience are undeveloped though dormant. A number of children, influenced by war films and comics, display imprinted prejudice against 'Krauts' (Germans), although on questioning they deny that this would affect relationships if ever they met one. Only one child admits to dislike of ethnic minority people, referred to collectively as 'Packies', influenced by his experience of a single Asian market stall-holder. In response to the protestations of his class mates he is at pains to point out that this attitude does not extend to a well-liked Indian girl in the year group. Older pupils profess a ready welcome and respect for ethnic minority groups, most pupils echoing the sentiment 'They were born here, and have as much right to be here as we have', an unexpected comment because of their limited knowledge and experience of them. Among a number of higher ability fifth year boys strong anti-German feeling exists, again attributed to television, probably supplemented by parental observations.

7. Several pupils in the Lower Sixth form confess somewhat shamefacedly to prejudice of various descriptions, not least to acceptance of the region's adherence to the belief in male superiority and stereotyped sex roles. A small minority also profess antagonistic racial views which, when challenged, they are unable to justify except by cliches like 'they're taking our jobs' and irrational counter statements like 'send them all back'. Their peer group, obviously opposed to these attitudes and embarrassed to be associated with them, confess to very limited knowledge about other ethnic groups and their faiths, and ask that school should redress this ignorance. They also profess similar antagonism towards white groups, including gangs from within and beyond their housing estates, and pupils at other schools. They describe how encounters with such groups consist primarily of trying to assert some form of superiority. Staring, shouting insults, posturing and gesturing reinforced by aggressive clothing and personal appearance are the main armaments in this type of ritual combat, suggesting that such manifestations, like racist comments, stem from primeval reactions to feelings of insecurity, inferiority and assumed threat.

8. Among the higher ability pupils is a tacit recognition of the enrichment of modern society by minority cultures. While one or two affect a dislike for 'foreign' food, the majority welcome the opportunity for greater variety. They are able to name aspects of culture that have been widened, and identify the successes and achievements of a number of ethnic minority personalities. They recognise that if they move into higher education they are likely to have direct contact with ethnic minority students and staff, and are very open-minded about the sort of relationships they will enjoy together. They make a plea for a broader education in life-skills and an introduction to the cultures, faiths and lifestyles of other people. They give the impression

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that while they have affection for their home town, they would like school to have facilitated their release from its constraints and its depressed horizons, rather than to have acceded to them.

Conclusions
9. Despite the town's preoccupation with parochial concerns and calculated disinterest in external issues the school, adopting local values and attitudes, develops within its pupils a close identity with the community. Unfortunately its own low image may be transmitted to the pupils' personal self-image, depressing confidence, aspirations and expectations. In doing so it is perpetuating a minority complex that possibly results in a sub-conscious identification with other minorities, including ethnic minorities, hence the apparent absence of antipathy. This is complemented by the school's lack of emphasis on competition, with its implicit notions of challenge or threat. In so far as curriculum content and treatment are concerned, the school, while not consciously striving towards a multi-cultural education is at worst doing few things of a contrary nature. The greatest concern here, as elsewhere, is the need to make teachers aware of the relevance and implications of multi-cultural education.

School Y4

Background
1. This large co-educational comprehensive school is situated in a market town transposed in recent times into a dormitory industrial suburb. Most of the parents are more outward-looking than other communities in the region, although some of its traditions, particularly male dominance, are still maintained. The teachers tend to remain for long periods despite poor internal promotion opportunities. Many confess that one of the main reasons for staying is that it is an easy school in which to teach, with comparatively few disciplinary difficulties and a highly motivated pupil community.

English
2. Despite the fact that the Head of English is a traditionalist in his approach to the subject, he has responded to the views of department staff that some of the examinations should be changed. They now work to the regional consortium's Joint 16+ examination in English, but retain allegiance to the JMB O Level Literature examination. CSE pupils take Mode 3 examinations in Language and Literature, the syllabuses being designed by teachers to meet their own pupils' special needs and interests. The Head of English, who feels he understands the multi-racial situation through war-time service in India, agrees without enthusiasm that pupils have studied and some enjoyed 'Cry, the Beloved Country', 'Walkabout' and 'To Kill a Mocking Bird'. He owns to a personal preference, shared with pupils, for 'Child of China' and 'Brother Blackfoot'. Nevertheless he is concerned that if too many multi-racial books are introduced or any attempts made to insert a multi-cultural component into the syllabus they will evoke reactionary attitudes.

Religious Education
3. A much more radical approach to their subject is being adopted by the Religious education Department and associated Liberal Studies teachers - the multi-culturally minded minority of the staff. Several of this group of young teachers are currently attending an in-service course in multi-cultural education. Religious education follows a syllabus devised by the school, based loosely on 'Learning for Life' (ILEA Agreed Syllabus). For years 1 to 3, where Religious education is compulsory, a course in comparative religion is followed, which includes a study of the nature of religion; how religion began; 'advanced' religions - Christianity, Judaism, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism; alternatives to religion; religion and society; and problems of belief and behaviour.

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Through this, all pupils gain insight into the religious beliefs and practices of the major ethnic minorities in this country, which they are encouraged to understand and respect. it is significant that in this school, children appear to enjoy their RE lessons. Fourth and fifth year pupils can opt for courses leading to O Level or CSE (Mode III) or an unexamined Liberal Studies course with associated community service. All these courses involve further study of the main world religions and their practice by groups in this country; and reinforce the appreciation and respect instilled in the lower school. The relatively high numbers of pupils opting for the examination courses illustrates a positive response by the children to the way in which the subject is approached. Extreme care is taken by the staff to ensure that text books, visuals and artefacts are authentic, up to date, and truly representative of the ways in which religion is conducted and interpreted among ethnic minority groups in Britain. They all express concern about what they consider to be the reactionary attitudes of examining boards, who firmly resist attempts to introduce into their Mode I syllabuses the detailed study of any religion other than Christianity and Judaism. But perhaps above all they deplore the apathy and inertia of most of their teaching colleagues in this school who similarly resist any kind of change within their subject areas and are apathetic to multi-racial considerations which they believe are irrelevant to their pupils' needs.

History
4. The Head of History, son of East European immigrants, has personal experience of discrimination and identifies with, and has great empathy with, all other minority groups. He feels, like many other ethnic minority people, that his personal identity lies somewhere between his native and his adoptive culture, a fact seldom acknowledged by either community. He is dedicated multi-culturalist, is an active member of the current course attended by other colleagues in the humanities, and attempts to permeate his department's teaching with multi-cultural principles. He has been unable to insinuate his multi-cultural ideas into the thinking of departmental staff. It is perhaps unfortunate that he is attempting to influence his colleagues with such fervour that resistance appears to be the main response.

5. The Head of History confesses to the department's possession of many ethnocentric or Anglocentric text books, in which only an English viewpoint is put forward, thereby reinforcing many strongly held stereotypes, and introducing others. He also feels that the teachers, the text books and the external examinations reflect middle class values and attitudes which, with the examination-orientated competitive spirit that is promoted within the school, tend to reinforce social class divisions. His experience in History and Liberal Studies discussion groups persuades him that like their parents and teachers, the pupils are imbued with many prejudices, often based on negative stereotypes that are often difficult to modify. He believes that the not infrequent allegations about coloured people taking white people's jobs stem from parents and television, and to a lesser degree from newspapers, comics and films. The children and teachers look upon coloured pressure groups as anti-white, rather than pro-black, largely because of media presentation. He illustrated the depth of such feelings by the children's reactions to the Brixton disorders and the subsequent Scarman Report. Almost without exception they identify with the (white) police rather than the predominantly black protesters, despite an otherwise strong opposition to the police from many of them. Even the most vehement anti-police pupils, some of whom feel they also suffer police harassment and injustice, fail to identify with the protesters and side with law and order embodied by the police.

Geography
6. A geography teacher who is also Head of Middle School is attending a current in-service multi-cultural course. His department is dissatisfied with its current syllabus which is felt to be too discursive and too abstract and therefore of little relevance for the pupils. They feel that many external examination syllabuses inhibit curriculum development within schools, and that some syllabuses actually promote stereotyping while others reflect bias. The geography teacher does not experience racial bias and prejudice in class discussions. Rather, he feels that about

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other cultures, and about ethnic minorities in Britain, there is a prevailing ignorance and apathy, usually crystallised in a dismissive 'stupid' when unfamiliar lifestyles or cultural expressions are encountered. He attempts to influence his colleagues by example and persuasion rather than by confrontation, and the sympathetic response of his colleagues may well be the product of such an approach.

Music
7. An interesting development in this all-white school is the intention of the Head of Music to set up a steel-drum band in the school to complement existing wind and brass bands and a full orchestra. Her philosophy and teaching have been strongly influenced by experience in a multi-racial school and by 'Pop, Rock and Ethnic Music' edited by Vulliamy and Lee. Eventually she hopes to have a gamelan (Javanese) band to further extend pupils' musical experience. She finds that children do not readily respond to the traditional academic approach that concentrates on the classical western idiom, but are willing to respond to other unfamiliar idioms, to which she introduces them through reggae or other popular forms that draw upon oriental instruments and rhythms. Although she encountered initial reaction and refusal for her steel band intentions, she had been allowed to appeal (successfully) to the parent-teacher association for financial support. She feels that through listening to music from other cultures and countries, children can develop respect and tolerance that is transferred into general attitudes. This can apply particularly to African music where, after removing the apparently inevitable stereotyped 'jungle' opinions, real appreciation and empathy can be achieved, particularly if performance or involvement are invoked.

The Pupils
8. Discussion with higher ability pupils reveals tolerant open-minded attitudes to many issues, including racial matters. Pre-occupied with their own academic aspirations they nevertheless reveal concern for social, economic, political and racial injustice. They feel that much of their academic education has little relevance to the hostile situations and pressures they are likely to meet in the outside world of adulthood, and feel that they have not been adequately prepared to face them. Many even feel that the attitudes of adults to teenagers is at best condescending, at worst insulting. One child summarised his received attitude - prevalent throughout education as 'We are the British and we are the best', which he and many of his contemporaries feel to be an untenable proposition in a modern, global, multi-cultural society. It is disturbing to discover that in many ways distrust of political leaders and parties or pressure groups, leads to a resignation and despair that is manifested in apathy and a sense of life's futility, and a depression of idealistic and altruistic motivation to their supersedence by selfish and material standards and values. On contemporary political issues they are both ignorant and fatalistically apathetic.

Conclusion
9. Concluding thoughts about this school focus on the promising initiatives of a nucleus of committed and energetic multi-culturally minded teachers whose contributions through the humanities must be of great importance and value in preparing pupils for life in a multi-racial society, and, by example, showing the way to colleagues in other departments.

School Z1

1. This medium sized primary school is situated in a residential area, of which owner-occupied houses comprise at least 80% of the total. While it accommodates a fairly broad socio-economic range, lower professional, junior executive and other white-collar workers predominate. Admission to the school is organised on a twice-yearly basis, with the facility of half-time admission for the preceding term for children below statutory age. Four children only have an ethnic minority parent, two having a Jamaican mother, one a Nigerian and one a Chinese father. In each case their other parent is English. Transfer to secondary schools is on a selective basis.

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2. Underlying the curriculum and practices of the school, a philosophy geared towards the development within pupils of a secure self-image allied to a respect for others, often finds positive expression through morning assemblies. On the school day preceding my visit, to highlight the narrowness and irrationality of prejudice the Head had introduced, in the light of a local performance, the stereotyped view that male ballet dancers were somehow effeminate and an object for ridicule. His sensitive treatment of the nature of prejudice had prompted subsequent writings by older pupils on their own prejudices that their teacher had considered to be very perceptive and revealing. Two members of staff confessed that this same theme had caused them. to review some of their own attitudes.

3. Multi-racial aspects have not been overlooked, and their origin and development are worthy of mention. Nearly two years ago an English doctor's child was admitted to the Infant department direct from residence in Nepal. Her mother had brought to the school a number of artefacts, and had been persuaded to talk about them and the Nepalese people to a full school assembly. Its success had prompted this mother to persuade the Head to invite an Indian lady friend of hers, dressed in traditional clothing, to present a similar theme on life in India. This had in turn emboldened a Jamaican mother to make similar and equally impressive contributions. Such insight into the life and customs of other countries are now a regular feature of morning assemblies. Prompted by these external initiatives and subsequent staff discussions, individual teachers have contributed assembly themes based upon minority religions, in particular those of the major immigrant communities in this country. All such themes are underpinned by the aim to engender understanding and respect for other individuals and bodies of people in a mutually tolerant society. It was noteworthy that among five children's portraits on display in a Lower Junior classroom, one represented an attractive black boy with Afro hair style but without any stereotyped exaggeration of features. The teacher informed me that this was one of a number of ethnic minority portraits arising from a painting assignment to illustrate a fictitious 'ideal best friend'.

4. The initial reading scheme used by the school is the 'One, Two, Three and Away' series, which only recently has introduced one or two ethnic minority characters in supplementary readers. These represent only token inclusion. Nevertheless other back-up readers (e.g. Breakthrough to Literacy) and Library books, particularly in the Infant department, include multi-racial characters, situations and stories. Once again, a great deal of credit for this situation must go to the Jamaican mother who borrowed a collection of multi-racial library books, brought them to school, discussed their significance and persuaded the staff to purchase copies for school use. Perhaps more important, through her sincerity and conviction she was able to sensitise most of the teachers to the social and cultural needs of all pupils in today's multi-cultural society. She mounted a similar exhibition on Open Day for the benefit of all the parents. Great interest was shown, and happily there were no adverse reactions.

5. The Junior department fiction collections, especially in the upper classes, are traditional and almost exclusively Anglocentric in presentation and attitudes. They contain many outdated and outmoded books, including a group of books by Willard Price (1964) in which attitudes are often patronising and sometimes insulting (e.g. 'Pygmies resemble monkeys'). Teachers concede the dubious credibility of many of the books but claim they cannot dispose of them until replacement with more appropriate books can be effected. Non-fiction appears to be reasonably accurate and up-to-date in its presentation of overseas countries and peoples.

6. The mathematics syllabus draws from a number of textbook sets, and at least one of these, Nuffield Mathematics 5-11, unaffectedly represents ethnic minority people in its illustrations and by name in its problems.

7. History is studied from the viewpoint of local connections, and involves frequent museum and site visits. It is therefore essentially British-based, but it is more concerned with social than

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political issues. It embraces the successive immigrations into the area from the earliest times onward, and helps to give perspective to contemporary immigration, although this is an issue discussed only incidentally and indirectly. Its consideration, through folk museums, of social history, illustrates that the phenomenon of physical affluence, convenience and sophisticated lifestyles are of comparatively recent origin for the majority of people in this country, and may help pupils to recognise that underdevelopment is merely a stage through which any community might quickly progress, thus placing in acceptable perspective the doom-laden 'Third World' image often projected by fund-raising charities.

8. Discussion with the teachers, both collectively and individually, revealed a hitherto unconsidered recognition of the racial and cultural diversity of modern society, even though the former was not a feature of the local community. They were agreed about the existence of all forms of prejudice throughout society. While race was not considered to be one of the main areas of prejudice, it was felt that when invoked it could be most firmly and irrationally upheld. It was conceded that prejudice stemmed principally from ignorance and folk mythology, occasionally stoked by assumed challenge, threat or even fear. There was a general belief that it originated in the home, with parental ridicule and criticism being dominant factors. Television, which occupies an apparently increasing amount of children's time, was considered to pose conflicting attitudes, displaying on the one hand positive contributions to society by ethnic minority programme presenters, entertainers and sports people, but on the other, perpetuating through situation comedies and similar so-called entertainment the stereotypes and folk myths that display them in a patronising and derogatory manner. All the teachers accepted their role in presenting and developing attitudes of respect for self and for others, but one or two were uncertain about the importance and relevance of multi-cultural and multi-racial considerations in the local context.

9. With the exception of a single, recently-qualified teacher who had undertaken teaching practice in multi-racial schools, none of the teachers had either in their training or through in-service courses been sensitised to the needs of pupils in a multi-racial society. The teachers considered that there had been no discrimination against the four 'coloured' children in the school, although the Jamaican mother refuted this, averring that her son and daughter had had to suffer name-calling. She recognised that this was a common trait among small children, and that her own indulged in similar, though not racial, habits. She had not been unduly upset about these incidents which she had used to explain the attitudes presented by them as one of the misfortunes of being visibly different from the majority community, and as a preparation for and inoculation against subsequent and more extreme forms of discrimination likely to be encountered. When reported to the teachers, she had been most impressed by the firm and sensitive manner in which they had handled the situations and taken positive steps to avoid their recurrence. Nevertheless, she had found it necessary to dissuade at least one teacher from the stereotyped view that all West Indian children are better at physical than intellectual or academic activities. She stressed that name-calling and other forms of discrimination were practised by only a very small minority of the school population. She had been most impressed by her own acceptance, on equal terms, by the other parents.

School Z2

1. This medium sized 10-30 [10-13?] middle school is situated in a small market town. It draws its pupils from a number of small first schools serving scattered villages, and its staff are all of secondary school experience or training. A few of the teachers have exclusively local residential and professional experience, but the majority have taught in other areas, some in multi-racial schools.

2. The general feeling of the teachers is that the pupils, reflecting the attitudes of their parents, are very friendly yet suspicious with those from outside their closed community, are insular in

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their interests and experience, and, in many cases cushioned by an extended family system and an inherent community self-sufficiency, are lacking in motivation and ambition. Attitudes towards other groups are held quite consistently and are strongest against 'townies', gypsies and tourists, ambivalence creeping in only as regards 'visitors' since while they are accepted as a source of revenue, they are resented for their intrusion. The local weekly paper is the only significant influence on attitudes generally. No strong views appear to exist towards ethnic minorities, the prevailing mutual respect syndrome apparently being unchallenged by any perceived threat or interference.

3. The work of the school is organised on a mixed-ability system that involves some team teaching, particularly in the Humanities department. A topic approach, involving pupil selection and interpretation of source material, field visits and talks/demonstrations by visiting speakers, is the principle instrument of education. The philosophy and strategies are based on the Schools Council Project: Place, Time and Society 8-13. In the absence of external examinations for this age-group, the Richmond Tests of Basic Skills in Humanities are given to the pupils annually.

In years 1 and 2 when topics are derived from the local environment then the industrial revolution, other countries, cultures and faiths are introduced only peripherally. In year 3 there is a positive focus on multi-cultural issues as shown by this synopsis of the syllabus.

1. Migration: Pupil migration and immigration in the immediate area; Migration to Northern Mill Towns; Irish migration to Britain; Jews to Israel; and West Indians to Britain.

2. Third World: Definitions; Problems of developed countries; Food, agriculture, hunger; Population growth; Trade; Health and disease; and Natural disasters.

3. Farming: at home and abroad, including a study of tropical farming.

4. Energy: uses; conservation; relationships between energy reserves and industry; the poverty of the Third World; coal; oil; gas; and electricity.

4. The teachers feel that the majority of pupils are open, accepting and honest in their attitudes towards ethnic minorities, although this is not always shared by parents. Some parents refuse to allow their children to visit the synagogue because they cannot see the point of it, but it must also be declared that visits to a town farm draw similar reactions from them.

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5. English teaching in the school does not appear to match the pronounced multi-cultural input of other departments, the library books following a traditional pattern that is only beginning to entertain science fiction and has not yet considered multi-racial books. The overriding local preoccupation with farming and country matters is reflected in the pupils' choice of books, for like most of their parents they are so immersed and involved in their own immediate interests and concerns as to preclude curiosity in other areas. Sex discrimination in book selection is strong, the boys having no inclination to read books about girls or girls' interests. In spoken English there is strong resistance to efforts to replace or modify a pronounced local idiom and dialect.

6. The only contribution of maths and science to multi-cultural education is the existence in text books and work cards of portrayals of black as well as white characters.

7. Individual discussions with third-year pupils reveal only limited and fairly superficial degrees of discrimination. Towards Argentinians (with memories of the Falklands), Australians ('they beat us at cricket'), the French ('dirty people, they eat frogs' legs') and 'Blackies' ('they take our jobs') only an insignificant minority express any prejudice, a view confirmed by the school's French assistant. Many talk with pride about their performance of an African slave dance at the school's annual concert, while the musicians and singers declare a positive delight in calypso and other national musical forms. Emotions run highest in relation to 'townies' who are believed to be conceited, and 'snobs' embracing all who put on airs or assume superiority.

School Z3

1. This small upper school has close links with Middle School Z2 which is situated in the same town. Its pupils are divided into three year groups of 190 to 200 pupils each, and a sixth form of 90. The teaching staff represents a wide range of expertise and experience, many having worked in multi-racial schools or areas. There are two ethnic minority pupils in the school. In anticipation of my visit the Head Teacher circulated heads of department inviting them to express how they were preparing the pupils for life in a multi-cultural society. As a more detailed description of one school's contribution these are quoted verbatim before recording impressions of the different departments' operations:

English
2. 'English lessons are a part of the curriculum where students are frequently widening their attitudes towards others, and being encouraged to understand the experience of others through imaginative writing, drama and discussion. Inevitably this process focuses at times on the condition of minority groups and the question of racial attitudes is then discussed, This gives pupils an opportunity to express their own views on the subject, share experiences, and listen to the views of others. There is obviously no indoctrination, but I think it would be reasonable to assume that most English teachers would encourage a sympathetic, humane consideration of the rights and privileges of other human beings. In choosing material to read to classes, and in choosing titles for our book boxes, we are always on the lookout for good material irrespective of its country of origin or the ethnic background of its characters. Thus, quite a number of novels, short stories, plays etc contain material which very positively, I feel, helps to promote an understanding of the racial question and the human dimension to the evils of prejudice. None of the above occurs through prescription by me. All good English teaching promotes growth in human understanding and self-awareness. At a number of points in their three-year course students will discuss racial prejudice, from one angle or another, but we do not have a syllabus which prescribes that it should happen at a particular moment in time.'

Library
3. 'We have relatively few non-fiction books dealing with race as a subject. I think this reflects a situation where few children in the school at any level display any strong interest in it, and

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where few subjects direct children to investigate it as an area of concern. I do not remember any books on race being asked for by children or recommended for purchase by any of the heads of Department in the two years that I have been running the library. Nor do I remember seeing in publishers' catalogues any particularly good treatments of the area which would be suitable for children of our age range. There are a number of books in the fiction part of the library which have race as part of their concern. One thinks of classics such as "To Kill a Mocking Bird", "Black Boy" by Richard Wright and "Long Journey Home" by Lester. More recent works by people such as Dhondy are also there. I have noticed that these are not particularly easy books to interest our children in. A brown or black face on a cover is often enough to prevent their choosing a book, not because of any racial animosity but because it suggests to them that the concerns of the book will be, in some way, remote to them. We find often that a good deal of pushing of material like the Dhondy books is necessary before they will be read, and while they are then read with interest and some enjoyment, few children want to follow that up with more material of a similar kind. Those children that do are generally those who, because of parental concern and inclination, already have this wider interest. This leads to my being reluctant to buy large amounts of such kinds of material.'

Comment
4. Discussions with teachers confirm the views expressed by these two reports. The general prejudice among boys against any form of reading is considered to be rooted in pragmatic as well as practically-orientated estimation traditional to this type of agriculturally-based society. Girls, who are generally more favourably disposed to all forms of literary activity, still retain preferences although prejudice plays a less significant role in these. The most popular books for pupils in this school are the James Herriot series, the Pig Man Series, and novels, by Cookson, Cormier, Walter and Richter because they portray situations and characters with which it is easy for them to identify. The least popular are those that reflect city life, remote situations, and minorities or individual characters with which they feel unable to empathise. This is considered to be prompted by a desire to read about crises and predicaments relevant to their current needs, rather than to any form of racial or other prejudice. Also prevalent among boys is a self-conscious attitude towards anything of an intellectual nature when attempting to portray an image of practical, physical masculinity.

Careers, Social Education, Religious Education
5. 'One of the major aims of the Careers, Social Education and Religious education programme is to encourage pupils to think in a tolerant way about other people and to appreciate rather than denigrate other people's differences. We look at multi-racial Britain and often follow communities back to their roots in order to get a clearer understanding of their backgrounds. Films/videos have been shown about Sikhs, Muslims and Jews, and also of Indian cookery and Islamic banking. The films are usually followed by group discussion.'

Social Education

6. 'As this course is about"'Education for Life" and the development of "Life Skills" it is appropriate that the course should prepare youngsters for living in Britain today. A part or section of the course in years 2 and 3 is concerned with religious, moral and social education. Included are such topics as "Comparative Religions and Cultures". Some emphasis has been given to ethnic minorities in Britain today. We deal with "prejudice" as a topic, not merely racialism or colour prejudice, although the emphasis is on these. We promote self-awareness and awareness of others in the community, as well as tolerance of the values of others in society. Other topics include young people and the law, the legal position of young people, and awareness of poverty and deprivation in Britain and in other countries.

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Summary of Social education Syllabus

Year 1 (= 3rd year secondary)

Personal and social identity.
Smoking, health and safety.

Self awareness. Prejudice. Race.
Work and industry in Britain and abroad.
Major world religions, including Islam, Sikhism, Judaism, Kibbutz life.
Life in multi-racial Britain - Hindus, Jews.
Indian food and cookery.
Personal problems; personal values; others' values; tolerance.
Decision making - influences and choices; values and needs; abilities, skills, qualities, personal style.

Careers education - work experience.
Role play. The law. Counselling agencies.
Personal and group awareness, relationships.
Poverty in Britain and the Third World War.
Contraception, abortion, birth, venereal disease.
Starting married life. Starting a family.

Comment

7. It soon becomes apparent that the above programme and statements are genuinely intended and sympathetically carried out, the children responding with genuine interest and sensitivity. Two of the teachers are not wholly convinced about the approach. One, a somewhat disillusioned RE teacher whose inclination would be towards a Christian-based course in religion, is concerned that his own subject is being debased, although he concedes that children appear to enjoy and benefit from the Social Education course, in contrast to the nil response he obtained when he offered a sixth form examination course in Religious Studies. Other teachers concede that pupils, like adults, are constantly categorising people and making value judgements about them on the most tenuous evidence, and that this may apply on occasions to ethnic minorities. But the general feeling is that the thinking pupils are positively inclined towards them, the more inward-looking pupils at worst apathetic. The demeanour, behaviour and disposition of the children, especially in the higher forms, suggest the effectiveness of this approach.

Geography

8. 'As a department our greatest involvement with multi-racial society ideas comes through studying urban geography. Under such a heading we try to deal with topics of immigrant communities and the socio-economic problems related to them. Irish, West Indian and Italian racial groups are discussed. Further abroad, the racial issues of South Africa are dealt with. In general the issues we tackle are seen as racial rather than multi-racial. Though our society as a whole is increasingly cosmopolitan in character, in many ways the short term future for our pupils is unlikely to involve them in direct racial involvement. Other curricular priorities notably those of an environmental nature especially, are of more immediate concern to pupils who live in a rural and relatively isolated community.

It seems likely that recent developments in the field of Social Education in the school would allow this area of the curriculum to better educate pupils in what are essentially personal/moral matters rather than environmental/human ones. We shall continue to see race as an important geographical influence, and assist our pupils to understand its implications.'

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Comment

9. Two months after making this statement, the Head of the Geography Department's attitudes are now more positive, recognising that simple matters like the selection and presentation of information can be discriminatory. He is concerned about the limited horizons of the pupils, but gratified to find that after the adoption of a new syllabus based on Geography for the Young School Leaver, 130 out of 190 pupils selected geography as an examination option. It appears that this department, now sensitised to the implications of the multi-racial composition of contemporary society and spurred on by the example of other departments, will be reviewing the whole curriculum content and approach before the commencement of the next school year.

History

10. 'The implications behind the issue of a multi-cultural nation are enormously important, not only for those who live in a multi-cultural community, but also for those whose life has been spent entirely with those of similar culture and background. This whole issue devolves not only an understanding and knowledge of people from different backgrounds, but also, and perhaps more importantly, on the issue of tolerance and acceptance of those different from oneself. In this respect, children living in rural areas like these are in need, not only of an introduction to the values and ideas of people of a different nationality, but also to sensitive guidance towards an acceptance of those coming from areas outside their own immediate environment. I find the children here more insular than any which I have ever taught before, in many different parts of the country (excluding the Highlands of Scotland!), and I therefore feel that our primary task lies in opening their eyes to the habits, values and ways of life which obtain in their own country, and amongst people of their own race. Having said this, I believe that it is also our duty to get pupils to think about the problems of a multi-cultural society for, though many of them will have met one or two black or Asian or Chinese people, and very many of them will stay in this area for the whole of their lives, some will move elsewhere, and some find the issue challenging enough to pursue it in their careers.

As far as my own department is concerned, one of the foremost objectives is to inculcate a tolerance of peoples and societies other than our own. This is paramount if pupils are to develop any sort of empathy with the people of the societies of the past whom they study, and, by transference we would hope that they would learn to apply this to people of their own times but of different cultures, whether this be in Bradford, Birmingham or Surbiton. Our approach to all aspects of the courses in each year is, of necessity, underpinned by the belief that people of all cultures and all ages are worth respect and consideration, and we hope that pupils can learn that intelligence, for example, is not the preserve of the technological 20th century, but is something which can be found in Neolithic Man as well as in Aborigines, and West Indians living in Handsworth, and which is nothing to do with how much people know or can do. Hence, throughout all our teaching is the underlying objective that pupils should learn that goodness and right and dignity and worthiness are not confined to people whom they understand, but are the inalienable right of the whole of humankind. This is something which is fundamental to History teaching, irrespective of the content of the course. In specific terms we do study the emergent nations (as the CSE Board calls that part of the syllabus), and have a chance to see the way in which former colonies gain their rightful place within their continents, and cast off their colonial character. Our primary contribution to this issue, however, is in our attempts to make pupils look at their own attitudes towards people who are different from themselves. It is, after all, attitudes which cause the distress which exists in multi-cultural societies, and though in areas in which there are large numbers of immigrants the problem may well be more practical, here we can only operate on a theoretical level, but hope to encourage our pupils to realise that there is a world beyond their own, and values different from their own.'

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Comment

11. Such commendable, well-considered and sensitively-expressed sentiments are reflected throughout the attitudes and teaching of this department. The sincere conviction and uncompromising commitment of this teacher to the principles of multi-cultural understanding is felt to provide a shining example and a thought-provoking catalyst for other teachers. Consistent with her philosophy, she is also dedicated to the removal of other forms of discrimination, particularly sex discrimination, believed to be very strong in this remote rural area where traditionally the strength and stamina of the farmers and other outdoor manual workers has endowed their sex with a superiority that overflows into all aspects of life. She believes sex discrimination to be more strongly implanted and pursued than all other forms of discrimination, and in the approach to her subject attempts to exert in this sphere the same educative and corrective influences as those indicated in her statement towards improving racial attitudes. Curriculum development is severely constrained by the demands and parameters of external examination syllabuses, more significant in a school where they do not receive the pupils until 13 +. On arrival at that age they appear to have little historical awareness and no appreciation of historical patterns. The schemes of work therefore comprise a broad framework that allows teachers to insert their individual contributions and introduce wider issues in accordance with their own convictions and specialisms. Examinations are offered at GCE O Level and CSE level in Social and Economic History in Britain since 1760, which involves the consideration of colonialism, exploitation and emancipation, and the emergence of new states and nations, as well as other issues pertinent to multi-racial education.

Modern Languages

12. 'i. Idea of cultural and language differences is fundamental to the course, though specific preparation for life in a multi-racial society is not wholly applicable to children in this area.

ii. Department seeks to convey that because another culture/language is different from our own, it has equal value and the people involved in it have equal rights, and are not, in some indefinable way, 'inferior' because they are not English,

iii. Through ELS (European Language Studies) the department seeks to show pupils that their own language has been significantly influenced by other languages, races and cultures.

iv. Department stresses that other cultures etc have much in common with our own, but that their differences are rich and interesting.

v. Children are actively encouraged to go abroad and spend time with people from other countries on their home ground. Exchange visits are also encouraged, together with pen-friends.

Sixth Form. Through sixth form Assembly and General Studies I seek at times to bring inequalities to light or to make known cultural differences. Certain General Studies sessions are particularly geared to the question of race and the society in which we live.'

Comment

13. Despite the qualification in i. this teacher, aware of a certain amount of endemic stereotyping and discrimination against other European nationals, feels that it is part of his responsibility to attempt to eradicate such negative attitudes towards all other groups. This is brought into the teaching at any time, but is crystallised in ELS lessons to useful effect.

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Biology

14. 'I am afraid that we make no special efforts whatsoever to educate pupils for life in a multi-cultural society, other than the ever-present "hidden curriculum" represented by teachers' own attitudes to racial problems, ethnic minorities, etc.'

Comment

This teacher is obviously aware of the importance of teachers' attitudes and his reference to the hidden curriculum suggests he has studied the literature of multi-racial education. It is interesting to find that he had recently arranged with an Indian school an exchange visit involving 15 fifth and sixth form pupils. Its cancellation because of domestic difficulties at the Indian end only two weeks before the exchange would have commenced, has only slightly dented his enthusiasm for this ambitious project. An avid reader who regularly attends in-service courses over a wide range of topics, he says he was motivated to arrange the exchange, by a social conscience. He is very concerned about the insular background and restricted horizons of so many of the pupils, and feels that only through this type of opportunity can their interest be stimulated and their experience extended towards other people and races.

Conclusion

15. Two things will be immediately apparent from a study of the teachers' statements: first, that in this isolated and insular rural area there exists an unexpected life-giving micro-climate of multi-cultural awareness and enlightenment; and second, that while the whole staff may not be totally committed to the principles involved, all are inevitably being drawn towards them by the example and dedication of senior colleagues. Discussions persuade me that these are not mere rationalisations calculated to create a favourable impression, but true reflections of their sentiments and commitment. There has been no direction or coercion from above, although the ethos of the school, reflecting the Head's philosophy and style of leadership, has provided a general climate sufficiently benign to encourage and nurture initiatives that stem from personal conviction and professional dedication.

School Z4

1. This small co-educational secondary modern school competes with two other more prestigious secondary modern schools for those pupils not accepted for a grammar school education. For this reason and because it is scheduled to close, it attracts relatively few first choice pupils.

2. Of the school's current roll 60% are boys and 40% girls; all white apart from one Caribbean and three Chinese pupils. The lowest socio-economic groups predominate. There is within the community a rising proportion of split or single-parent families, and a high incidence of maladjustment and relatively minor juvenile delinquency. There are few local facilities for pupil recreation out of school hours, hence an excessive dependency on viewing television, punctuated by occasional visits to discos or amusement arcades in the town. On the whole the children of this virtually monocultural society appear to be friendly, acquiescent, lacking in self-confidence and eager for recognition, attention and affection.

3. The Head is a caring, avuncular, person to whom the children respond with respect and affection. In the school's prospectus he declares 'The atmosphere within the school depends largely on 'members of staff and the children are generally very happy and secure because of a policy of reasonableness, firmness and understanding'. To these ends academic pretension plays a subordinate role. The teaching staff generally concur with these sentiments although one or two are attempting to elevate pupil aspirations. None of them live within the catchment area of the school, and most have taught in the school for several years or more, despite limited promotion opportunities, Few courses leading to GCE O level are offered, and the results in CSE suggest serious underachievement.

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Religious Education

4. The teacher in charge of religious education is a former crafts teacher who has introduced a syllabus he devised during his training course. Despite the fact that his course was entitled Christianity and World Religion, his syllabus, based on Goldman's Life Themes and Lowkes' experiential approach, makes no direct approach to world religions, their treatment therefore being incidental and usually superficial. Feeling that most of his pupils suffer from an innate sense of insecurity and inferiority, he concentrates on a discussion approach, leaving reading and writing to an absolute minimum. The children appear to like this approach and respond positively to it. They appreciate the discussions about personal problems and personal relationships, but above all 'being talked with like adults'. This teacher is trying to break down, single-handed, the school's long tradition of dividing the sexes, the boys and girls normally sitting at opposite sides of the classrooms and having separate playgrounds outside.

5. The Head who also teaches RE is more traditional in his approach, but more wide-ranging in his content. Combining religious education with education in personal relationships he bases his teaching on 'Life in Our Society': Lambert, which considers community concerns in this country. Drawing on his experience in Birmingham and introducing such topics as Overpopulation and World Poverty, Problems of Culture and Race, War, and International Cooperation for Peace, he aims to expose the children to racial considerations in an unemotional contextual manner. He believes that this contributes to a greater respect and understanding towards ethnic minorities in this country.

6. There is no doubt that there is a consciousness in the school that through religious education better attitudes towards ethnic minorities should be developed, but as yet this consciousness has not been thought through. This was exemplified by one of the two morning assemblies I attended. Devised and conducted by the RE teacher, it consisted of an appropriate introductory song, then a dramatic interpretation of John Bunyan in his Bedford Prison cell reading that portion of Pilgrim's Progress relating to prejudice and racial discrimination. The assembly, after a prayer on the same theme, was concluded by the singing of the hymn 'At the name of Jesus, every knee shall bow'. Neither the teacher nor the Head had appreciated that in a group of mixed religious persuasions, including in this case three Buddhists, such a title might be inappropriate or even insensitive. While this opinion might well be challenged on the grounds that non-Christians have the right to be excluded from morning assemblies, or even that it is 'nit-picking', it is used to illustrate the limited awareness of some teachers towards multi-racial or multi-faith considerations and the need for much guidance and support to assist them towards such goals.

Humanities

7. The Head of Humanities is fully aware of the dangers of a colonialist approach to History and a patronising Geographical study of primitive communities. She has already expunged from her resources any books or materials that purvey such attitudes, and selects new material on the basis of strict criteria among which these feature strongly. These same criteria pervade the syllabus.

English

8. The Head of English has experience of teaching in a multi-racial area and is aware of the need to vary children's literary diet in recognition of the changed composition of contemporary society. Nevertheless, while he is happy to include for examination study such books as 'Walkabout', 'Joby', and 'To Kill a Mocking Bird', he fears that to introduce too many might arouse a backlash that could evoke racist feelings at present unconsidered. He is concerned about the complacency of the children, their very limited knowledge and experience, and their lack of

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aspiration or motivation, particularly among the older. Linguistic ability is also limited, although most seem able, though a restricted code, to express themselves adequately for their everyday activities. Language and literature are taught in an integrated way. Most of the pupils' writing is of an imaginative nature. The library has a large but predictable selection of books but with possibly fewer more advanced books than might be necessary to extend the brightest readers.

Discussion with Pupils

9. The most lively, aware and responsive groups are the first year mixed ability classes, and it is tempting to conclude that they are so inclined because the depreciating influence of the school has not yet stunted their academic and intellectual development. To the surprise of some teachers, a fairly high proportion dislike Germans, largely through the influence of televised war films and documentaries, and through comics and books, some of which are in the school library. Only two pupils express any antipathy towards ethnic minorities, the presence of three Chinese pupils in the school giving some immediate experience and understanding. They both recognise the irrationality of their attitudes, and may well be attitudinising to draw attention to themselves. All those expressing antipathy to other groups are boys, the girls having much more open attitudes towards others beyond their experience or knowledge. Among the lower ability second year pupils, who own to parents or grandparents of varied origins including Ireland, Scotland, Wales, France, Poland and China, there are a number of individually-held prejudices, among which feature hatred of the Argentine Junta, not the people; West Indians with thick lips, but not the pupil in this school; slant-eyed Chinese, but not those in this school; Asians, because they keep vicious dogs that don't respond to English commands; and black footballers of opposing sides to those supported. But of greater significance to the boys is the continuous internecine rivalry between neighbouring schools, youth clubs and estates. All accept their traditional sex roles, many of the girls saying they would rather have been boys, and all recognising male superiority.

10. Similar attitudes, only expressed more aggressively and pontifically, are shared by lower ability third-year pupils. These children acknowledge the value of academic qualifications, especially O Levels in Maths, English and Science, although they know they will never attain them. Several are on probation, and a few receiving Child Guidance, and while they are prejudiced against one or two groups of people they reserve their strongest passions for known groups of which rival gangs feature most prominently. They acknowledge that much of the conflict they have with other gangs is concentrated on displays, rather than acts of aggression. In other areas of prejudice they bow to the principle of fairness and recognise that some of their proclaimed attitudes and opinions are irrational. While accepting the conventions of Western films where the whites are depicted as good and the Indians bad, they can also see how such conventions apply to films like Zulu and German war fiction, recognising that not all Zulus and Germans are bad, or that all English are good. Having been constrained to work and play apart from the opposite sex, the whole of the third year seems awkward and inhibited when boys and girls are asked to do things together in small numbers. Where groups are larger they tend to divide by sex, rather than any other groupings. Yet surprisingly, these pupils do not appear to have any hang-ups about ethnic minorities, possibly recognising sub-consciously that they themselves are a minority in the community at large, and not viewing ethnic minorities in a competitive situation, have very open views towards them.

11. This attitude also prevails in the forth and fifth years, possibly fostered by the respect in which they hold the school's only black pupil. I am informed that only once had any child called him 'Nigger', and that physical retaliation from this big boy had prevented any possible recurrence. Yet it is fair to say that he is respected for his cheerful outgoing personality, rather then feared for his stature and physical prowess. The predominant impression of the older pupils is one of a totally acquiescent, subdued yet unresentful group allowing itself to be swept along towards an adult life which they will enter with few advantages and declining possibilities of

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congenial work. But they are not despondent, and this may be because of the caring, supportive, even protective ethos of the school, which they must surely miss when they leave. It is giving them a degree of self-respect and self-confidence, if only within limited horizons, and this is engendering an open-mindedness towards others, and particularly ethnic minorities, that appears to elude many others of similar backgrounds in different schools.

12. The three Chinese pupils in the school, all with a good command of Mandarin Chinese but little English, suffer severe discrimination that is largely beyond the control of the school. They are given tuition in English as a second language for only a few hours a week by a visiting teacher, the remainder of the time being placed at the back of classes and left very much to their own devices because the school has neither the expertise nor staff time to devote to them. The local authority, which employs the visiting ESL teacher, is said to be unable to help further, having similar small-scale ESL commitments scattered over a wide area. This teacher gives help, advice, and work sheets to the teachers who ask for them, but is only able to scratch the surface of their needs.

School Z5

1. School Z5, a sixth form college, is situated in an area where the experience of meeting or seeing anyone of ethnic minority background is extremely rare. In their choices of subjects, traditional sex role attitudes are demonstrated by the 4:1 ratio of boys taking Physics and girls taking Modern Languages. Many more girls than boys take English. Not a single boy is taking Home Economics. Regional sex role presumptions are common throughout the community, as exemplified by the willingness of banks to employ girls as counter or secretarial assistants, but not in higher or professional capacities. Consequently, girls' aspirations are generally lower than boys'.

2. In addition to the prevalent sex discrimination the Principal feels that racial discrimination is rife among his extremely conservative students, many adopting a hard intransigent attitude that maintains equally uncompromising views on capital and corporal punishment. Perhaps it should be noted that in at least one of its contributory secondary schools there is strong National Front support, and that the Principal has found it necessary to proscribe the wearing of its badge and associated insignia among college students. The student community is predominantly middle-class, largely representative of socio-economic groups 1 to 3, and has a wide ability spread skewed towards the upper levels. Half of its leavers are expected to go on to higher education. The almost exclusively graduate staff have served in the school since its inception. With the exception of the Vice Principal and the heads of English and French, all the senior posts are held by men. Only one teacher is a member of an ethnic minority - an English trained Kenyan Asian.

English

3. The Head of English recognises the need to introduce more books about ethnic minority characters and situations. She feels that 'To Kill a Mocking Bird' has been well studied in all the contributory secondary schools, and speaks with enthusiasm about racial issues ensuing from the study of 'Othello' and 'Cry, the Beloved Country'. She is, however, anxious to introduce new books cautiously since students tend to reject books they feel are preaching to them or are imposed for reasons other than pure enjoyment. Nevertheless, she is convinced of the important role of literature in the indirect shaping of values and attitudes and, with her staff, is constantly attempting to foster this influence. She feels that her students, mainly girls, do not have strong racial attitudes except those of a sympathetic nature generated by Oxfam-type propaganda. One exception she has encountered was occasioned by Indian Consultants sending their children to private schools, not to local secondary schools, which had been interpreted as a form of snobbery, yet generalised into a racial issue. She has experienced ridicule of West Indian dialects, which she counters with allegations that local idiom and dialect can appear equally uncouth and unintelligible outside the region.

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Library

4. The teacher responsible for the library, like the Head of English, confesses to a very small multi-cultural element among the books available to students, but blames their absence on lack of knowledge of their existence. Like many others spoken to, she would very much like to increase the number of multi-racial books, but finds that current capitation allowances are quite inadequate for this purpose except for occasional purchases. She finds the boys generally uninterested in books, but the girls imaginative and exploratory in their selection of books. She confesses to having given no thought previously to the idea of deliberately introducing multi-cultural works.

Religious Education and General Studies

5. Like many of his counterparts in other schools the Head of Religious education is depressed by the lack of interest by students in his course, and parental resistance to their opting for it. He believes that pupils and parents alike view the curriculum from pre-vocational considerations, against which criteria Religious education has low credibility. When pupils opt for RE courses, it is usually as a 'filler' subject, all their energies being directed towards more prestigious subjects in the sciences or humanities. In any case these are usually the lower ability students. This teacher gives the impression that while, as a committed Christian in a Christian country, he feels that the Christian ethic and teaching should dominate the syllabus, there ought to be more room for the study of other major world religions. He blames the lack of this on examination syllabus constraints, although he concedes that these are slowly being eased. On examination boards generally he is disillusioned, having had numerous suggestions for widening syllabuses rejected in the past.

6. He has much greater enthusiasm for General Studies, a compulsory study for all 2-year A Level students. This provides courses in four areas: literature and communication; science with computer studies; politics and ethics; and creative and recreational studies. Within each area students are allowed to select topics of their own choice. Student attitudes to General Studies are summarised by the upper sixth form as 'General Studies courses are sometimes interesting'. In the politics and ethics course, there is an opportunity for students to consider briefly Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, Judaism, Chinese religion, and a history of Christianity all in a10 week course. Only 20 students have opted for this element, but they have revealed that while resistant of Christian teachings, they are very interested in world religions. The main problem about such a study is its enforced academic approach, based on films, film strips and books of questionable authenticity, access to religious leaders or places of worship being ruled out because none are within reasonable travelling distance. At this stage it would appear that comparative religion is a mere superficial introduction to other faiths, and is as likely to create stereotypes as to destroy them.

7. Throughout local society strong racist undercurrents exist. Press influences tend to reinforce existing attitudes, especially at the extremities. The opportunities of even modifying such extremist attitudes in the short time available are very limited, and the prospects quite daunting. It is reassuring to note that 117 of the 522 A Level students are following examination courses in British government and Politics, while 55 of the remainder are working for O Level government and Economics examinations. Both courses deal with issues concerning race in British Society, and enable the factual refutation of racial myths and misapprehensions. In its 'Politics and Ethics' General Studies course, this department is involved in a considerable number of multi-racial issues, including laws (sex and race discrimination, nationality, etc), race relations and Third World studies. This last element which looks at health, food, agriculture, education, trade and aspects of aid is focused by reference to the Brandt Report to enable students to become more aware of Third World Development in international affairs, but particularly on our own society.

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Geography

8. A similar philosophy underlies the teaching of the Geography department, which through a systematic, rather than a regional approach, relates population to resources, and considers the migration of, for example, workers across Europe, or Mexicans to California. Perhaps more than most others, this department allows itself to be constrained by the requirements of external examinations. The Head of Department confesses freely that an element of 'us' and 'them' pervades part of his teaching, and that he has never considered the principles of multi-cultural education. Nevertheless, he feels that his approach and the teaching strategies adopted, do help to correct uninformed impressions about other world groups, and that open-mindedness is developed. He seldom uses text books, believing many to be outdated or biased in their approach, basing much of his work on Phillips' Geographical Statistics and other official sources.

History

9. Like Religious education, though to a lesser degree, History is viewed by pupils and parents as of little practical or material value, although some are attracted because of an intrinsic interest in the subject. That it fails to attract higher ability pupils is reflected in its comparatively modest examination successes. The examination syllabuses followed, relating to British and European history from the mid-19th century, with an emphasis on political as opposed to social or economic history, is felt to be out-dated and unimaginative. Within current teaching, opportunities exist under the 'decline of Empire', to consider such issues as India under the British Raj but because of students' very limited initial knowledge or understanding, there is insufficient time to cope with this in any depth. Similar feelings exist towards examination requirements concerning Irish immigration, the scramble for Africa, the Spanish Civil War and the emergence of the former colonies.

Economics and Sociology

10. The endemic introspection and bigotry of the local community is echoed by the Head of Economics and Sociology. Economics is gauged by parents and students as a potentially useful vocational asset, although among many its application, with Sociology, is directed towards nursing and the police force. The A Level economics course deals indirectly, but in some detail, with multi-cultural issues but particularly with 'underdeveloped' countries, the distribution of wealth, and migrant labour. The O Level sociology has a much more direct approach, particularly in its consideration of the influences of the mass media in building or reinforcing stereotypes, and of social and community life in Britain. Films, newspapers and television are constantly involved in such studies, and the BBC's 'Living City' series, and lTV's 'A Question of Equality' have proved of particular value. The major influences on student attitudes appear to be the mass media, television entertainment, parental views, and personal experience.

Home Economics

11. This department offers two major examination courses, O Level Home Economics and A Level 'The Home, the Family and Society', each of which has 12 students, all girls. These courses involve the consideration of ethnic minority cookery, dietary and nutritional requirements, dress and family life, although time seldom permits detailed study of many of these. Towards ethnic minority people, the girl students are equally welcoming and friendly. Cookery, diet, nutrition and crafts also feature in the General Studies course, through which a few boys are persuaded to overcome their imprinted sex roles.

Pre-Vocational Course

12. Of recent origin within the college is a pre-vocational course geared towards the lower ability, one-year (Foundation) students. Architect of this scheme is the Deputy Principal who

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has taught in multi-racial schools in Britain and in a black African school. To the philosophy and principles of multi-cultural education she is totally dedicated, an influential example to all her colleagues. She feels that the students are 'nice', with limited ambitions and initiatives often artificially depressed in the contributory secondary schools. Nevertheless, they have a high self-image, exaggerated by the relatively small community in which they live, that often creates problems for them when they advance to highly competitive higher education institutes elsewhere. They are also afflicted with an intellectual lethargy that impairs their ability to think for themselves. Recognising the unreality to such pupils of an academic preparation for life, she has devised a very practical scheme including an element of work experience. Progress is assessed continually, achievement being the basis for detailed references to employers and further education institutions.

13. I was able to talk to a group of 15 students who had recently undertaken a 3-day visit to London as part of the course. Preparation for the visit had begun several weeks ago with the consideration of inner-city deprivation as exemplified by certain districts in London. This led inevitably to a consideration of the disquiet of many people, particularly black youths, towards society in general but focused on the police. Correspondence with London communities, principally through Youth Clubs, helped them to plan their visit. They decided, because many of them professed to 'hate the blacks', to spend a day in Brixton to try to savour the climate. (At least one student brashly boasted that he would like to 'get in on the action'). The teacher had spent considerable time and energies outlining the historical, social and economic background to the situation with little sympathetic response from the students. Describing their experiences during the day in Brixton these lower ability, working class students affected an attitude of scornful dismissal towards the black people they met and the problems they had to endure. It was soon apparent, and in one case boastfully confirmed, that National Front opinions and affiliations were maintained at home. Some, mostly boys, echoed the all-too-common 'send them back' slogan that was readily challenged, predominantly but not exclusively, by girls. Having adopted their posture the boys would not recant, but grudgingly acknowledged the unfairness and impracticability of such statements. The ensuing discussion on 'roots' evoked a number of interesting responses, and one boy who claimed to have a French parent had to endure, albeit amusedly, the affected scorn of some of his peers on the dietary peculiarities of the French people. It became apparent that few of them had any particular interest in their origins, one girl defiantly declaring 'We're white, and this is our country and they should all go back where they came from', dismissing as irrelevant the fact that many were second or third generation British. There was no doubt that some of the students still maintained hard, uncompromising attitudes to all ethnic minorities, yet there was evidence that even the most antagonistic were not entirely convinced of the validity of their standpoints. The experience was still comparatively fresh, and therefore not completely assimilated, but the teachers who accompanied them were insistent that attitudes had been considerably softened. They hope to increase the number and extent of such visits because they are so convinced that only through such experience, however brief and possibly contrived, can such irrational prejudice be modified. An interesting by-product of this visit is an anticipated exchange visit to the town by members of the black youth club in Brixton.

Discussions with Students

14. Discussions with more academic students reveal a strongly-contrasting climate of opinion. Much more articulate and thoughtful, they still reveal prejudice, but are considered less likely to express it in words or actions, and more open to modification, both by logic and experience. As with other sixth-formers, they complain that school has neglected many of the life-skills they will need to cope with life in an adult and multi-cultural society. Several had personal experience of different forms of discrimination, including a boy who entered direct from a private school, a girl with an Argentinian mother, and a boy with a French mother. Many of the girls claim to suffer from sex discrimination, a complaint never voiced by the boys. They all confess to

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prejudice, their main targets being 'posh', 'snobby' or 'trendy' people - in effect, any who, for one reason or another, impose a feeling of inferiority upon them. They cannot appreciate that to many, because of their own material and intellectual endowments, they could be seen as the targets of similar sentiments.

Having completed the visits to schools and submitted reports to the Committee, it was considered both courteous and politic to acquaint Chief Education Officers of the findings, and discuss with them the wider issues of multi-cultural education, their present attitudes and possible future initiatives. Their reactions are summarised below:

LEA X

1. The report on the visits was received with extreme interest, especially issues which had previously not been contemplated within the authority. Within the LEA advisory service there was no one with detailed knowledge and experience of teaching ethnic minority children and whilst most subject specialists were aware of the implications for their own subjects, none had a sufficiently wide grasp of the principles of multi-cultural education to guide and inform colleagues and schools in their implementation.

2. The lack of multi-cultural experience extends into the wider educational community and even the colleges of higher education in the area are unable to offer any help. The LEA have to depend on gleanings from the educational press and courses or conferences, picked up almost accidentally and thus lacking cohesion, impetus and direction.

3. The message from this LEA was clear. The principles of multi-cultural education are still comparatively novel in this rarefied community and the benefit of first hand knowledge and experience is urgently needed to give reality and proportion to the discussion. It is essential that means are devised to make available to remote all-white areas the services of people with expertise in multi-cultural education.

LEA Y

1. A full day meeting was held at LEA Y and discussions were held with the CEO, and other officers and advisers. After receiving the report of the visits, there followed wide-ranging discussion on the points raised. It was interesting to note that they were occasionally surprised and impressed at a number of praiseworthy initiatives and attitudes of which they had been hitherto unaware.

2. The LEA is currently considering the possible appointment of an adviser for multi-cultural education. Direction and coordination of E2L and mother tongue teaching, as well as other ethnic minority educational and cultural concerns would obviously fall within the responsibility of such an officer. But they are concerned that the wider and more far-reaching issues of multi-cultural education, particularly as far as the all-white areas of the LEA are concerned, could well be undermined if the post were too narrowly defined and described.

3. It soon became apparent that the LEA, like, they believe, many other authorities with few or no ethnic minority children, is anxious for advice and guidance on a wide range of multi-cultural education. The activities of the LEA multi-cultural centre relate mainly to the specific issue of the education of ethnic minority children. As far as the broader issues are concerned, they rely heavily on current literature and occasional courses or conferences that do not always meet their immediate requirements. Unless self supportive cross-territorial arrangements could be agreed between authorities, it would appear that the consultative role of HMI will continue to be of critical importance.

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LEA Z

1. LEA Z believed that multi-cultural education was beyond its concern and discussion of my report was delegated to the County Adviser responsible for Geography and a primary school headteacher with experience in a multi-racial school. Their lack of knowledge and experience of the matters raised permitted little opportunity for dialogue.

2. The authority adviser felt that although the LEA had no policy or opinion on multi-cultural education, certain of his colleagues in the humanities area included a number of multi-cultural considerations in the approach to their subjects. For example, a recent revision of the authority's agreed syllabus for religious education had widened its approach to comparative religion and teachers of geography were retreating slowly from the portrayal of a world simplistically divided into a prosperous West and a relatively primitive undeveloped East. The lack of concern about multi-cultural education within the schools and the authority was explained by lack of conviction that these matters were of direct concern to themselves, and reflected preoccupation with more immediate organisational and institutional concerns.

3. To some extent the Authority's lack of initiative may be explained by geographical considerations. Its schools are widely dispersed, often unrelated to recognisable population centres. Its teacher centres are necessarily remote from all but a handful of schools, creating numerous problems for in-service teacher education. Advisers' time was occupied with a great deal of travelling so their contact with teachers in schools was very restricted. In any event, few if any were felt to have any direct knowledge of multi-cultural education.

4. Since the onset of this survey the LEA has appointed an administrative officer to coordinate the teaching of ESL to the few ethnic minority pupils in the area and presumably, by association, some commitment to multi-cultural education. the issues raised by the survey would also be raised at the next quarterly meeting of all advisers.

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1. Introduction

1.1 From our analysis of the evolution of policies in relation to the educational needs of ethnic minority pupils and the broader educational implications of our multi-racial society, we believe that the reasons for the confused and confusing state of provision in this field today are clearly discernible. The absence of clear policy objectives based on firm educational principles, rather than determined by political expediency, from the early days of large-scale immigration has led to the development of piecemeal and ad hoc measures around the country varying from those multi-racial schools and areas which are now, in theory at least, committed to their interpretation of 'multicultural education', to others which have ignored or rejected the need for any initiatives, in the belief that any problems which may exist will solve themselves given time - a truly 'laissez-faire' philosophy. At the same time, areas of the country which as yet have little or no ethnic minority settlement, appear to have remained oblivious to the changed and changing nature of British society and convinced that this has no relevance to the education of their pupils.

1.2 We believe that much of the confusion which exists in the multicultural field derives from the fact that there are two distinct dimensions to the debate - on the one hand, meeting the educational needs of ethnic minority pupils, and, on the other, broadening the education offered to all pupils to reflect the multi-racial nature of British society. Whilst these two issues are clearly inter-related and, in our view, complementary, we believe it is now possible and indeed essential to see them within a new and broader perspective - that of offering all pupils a good, relevant and up to date education for life in Britain and the world as it is today. Because the early educational responses to the arrival in schools of pupils from a range of cultural backgrounds were, as we have seen, concerned almost exclusively with remedying what were perceived as the 'problems' posed by these pupils, it is perhaps understandable that any discussion of the particular educational needs which ethnic minority pupils may experience tends to be regarded, quite mistakenly, as an attempt to 'turn the clock back' to the days of assimilationist and integrationist

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thinking. Similarly, the fact that attempts to develop educational policies designed to prepare all pupils for life in a multi-racial society often appear to be restricted to schools or authorities with ethnic minority pupils - as though the actual presence of such pupils was the major catalyst for such initiatives rather than any broader educational justification - has we believe not only tended to distort discussion of this aspect of educational development, but has also contributed to the generally disappointing degree of progress in this field, especially in 'all-white' areas.

1.3 It could of course be suggested that, within our decentralised education system, it is neither appropriate nor desirable to seek to dictate policy too closely to LEAs or schools. Such a view assumes, however, that an appropriate educational response to the multi-racial nature of our society will simply 'emerge' without any assistance or direction from the centre. We believe that our review of developments in this field over recent years shows clearly that, far from the various initiatives which have taken place converging into a consensus view of what needs to be done, there seems to have been, if anything, a marked divergence of view as LEAs and schools have continued to develop their own particular 'brands' of multicultural education, with little reference to activities in other areas of the country. As long as the underlying climate of racism is allowed to persist unchallenged, it seems likely that, as the report (1) prepared by a staff working party at one multi-racial secondary school we visited put it:

'Multicultural education will not just happen, rather natural prejudice and institutionalised discrimination will dominate.'

(1) 'Multi-cultural Education in the 1980's'. Birley High School. Manchester. May 1980.

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society but also to determine their own individual identities, free from preconceived or imposed stereotypes of their 'place' in that society. We believe that schools also however have a responsibility, within the tradition of a flexible and child-orientated education system, to meet the individual educational needs of all pupils in a positive and supportive manner, and this would include catering for any particular educational needs which an ethnic minority pupil may have, arising for example from his or her linguistic or cultural background.

1.5 In the course of our deliberations we have increasingly been led to reflect on whether the term 'multicultural education' is adequate or indeed appropriate to describe the educational process which we envisage, which both caters for the educational needs of all children with equal seriousness and sensitivity and which also prepares all children, both ethnic minority and majority, through a common educational experience, for life in today's society. As we have already observed, the term 'multicultural education' appears to have encouraged schools and LEAs in 'all-white' areas to believe that the issues involved are of no concern to them since they see themselves as monocultural, and the term seems therefore to have added to the confusion which already exists about the aims and objectives involved. After considerable thought, we feel the simple and straightforward phrase 'Education for All' describes more accurately the approach to education which we wish to put forward, since it reflects the responsibility which we feel that all those concerned with education share in laying the foundations for the kind of pluralist society which we envisaged at the opening of this report. In this chapter we set out the major principles which we believe should inform and underlie 'Education for All' and consider the practical implications of these principles for the curriculum. We then go on to outline our broad strategy for the management of change which we believe to be essential in realising the reorientation of the education system which we have envisaged.

2. The Principles of 'Education for All'

2.1 We believe that the development of a broader approach to the education of all pupils is justified, and indeed essential, on straightforward educational grounds. As the DES paper 'The School Curriculum' (2) emphasised:

'Since school education prepares the child for adult life, the way in which the school helps him to develop his potential must also

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be related to his subsequent needs and responsibilities as an active member of our society ... It helps neither the children, nor the nation, if the schools do not prepare them for the realities of the adult world.'

On this basis it is clear that a good education must reflect the diversity of British society and indeed of the contemporary world. As the DES paper drew out, one of the broad aims of education must be:

'to help pupils understand the world in which they live, and the interdependence of individuals, groups and nations.'

'Education for diversity and for social and racial harmony suggests that the richness of cultural variety in Britain, let alone over the world, should be appreciated and utilised in education curricula at all levels. This can only have beneficial effects for all students in widening cultural awareness and in developing sensitivity towards the cultural identity and practices of various groups.'

'Whatever the make-up of the locality, the pupils or the staff, however homogeneous or heterogeneous, the interplay of cultures and the world form the backdrop against which we act out our lives, and must be represented fully and compulsively in every facet of the curriculum. A curriculum that is not multicultural would prepare pupils for an unreal society and world; and involve them in a relearning process outside school; it would be an anachronism and an irrelevance since it would fail to prepare pupils for the real world.'

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2.2 We believe that a failure to broaden the perspectives presented to all pupils - particularly those from the ethnic majority community - through their education not only leaves them inadequately prepared for adult life but also constitutes a fundamental mis-education, in failing to reflect the diversity which is now a fact of life in this country. As the Assistant Masters and Mistresses Association has emphasised (3):

'Pupils from all backgrounds will one day be voting, decision-making citizens whose views will influence public policies which affect people of all cultural backgrounds. All will contribute to the values of society. It is therefore important that all are made aware of the multicultural nature of British society today, and are encouraged in the attitudes of mutual knowledge. understanding and tolerance which alone can make such a multicultural society a fair and successful one.'

2.3 We also see education as having a major role to play in countering the racism which still persists in Britain today and which we believe constitutes one of the chief obstacles to the realisation of a truly pluralist society. We recognise that some people may feel that it is expecting a great deal of education to take a lead in seeking to remedy what can be seen as a social problem. Nevertheless we believe that the education system and teachers in particular are uniquely placed to influence the attitudes of all young people in a positive manner - as one teacher union observed in their evidence to us:

'School is the one institution that everyone between the ages of 5 and 16 in Britain has to attend and whilst it cannot alone compensate for the inequities of society it does nevertheless constitute one major area of influence - and one which is susceptible to change.'

The need to identify and seek to challenge racism - both the misunderstandings and stereotypes which encourage its persistence, and its many manifestations which deny equality of access and opportunity to all groups - has however only recently been seen as a task for schools. We believe that education has a central role to play

(3) 'Our Multicultural Society: The Educational Response.' AMMA. 1983.

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in preparing all pupils for life in today's multi-racial society, by ensuring that the degree of ignorance which still persists about ethnic minority groups is not allowed to remain uncorrected and that all teachers, pupils and thus the future citizens of this society are much more adequately informed about the range of cultures and lifestyles which are now part of this country. We discussed our views on the theory and practice of racism at some length in Chapter Two, and our attitude is reflected in the following extract from an LEA discussion paper (4):

'Racism is morally wrong, and therefore contrary to basic principles of social justice since it involves gains and benefits for some members of society at the expense of losses and disadvantages for others. It is also against the long-term interests of the majority, since it is bound to lead in due course to considerable social unrest. It damages and dehumanises white people as well as black, giving them distorted views of their identity, society and history; and in this way too is against their own long-term interests.'

'Our curriculum must acknowledge our multi-ethnic society and also take issue with racism. Therefore it must reflect the diversity of cultures in our society and demonstrate the value to society of cultural diversity ... We should help our pupils overcome assumptions about the superiority of modern, Western society and culture and (each them to approach all societies and cultures with understanding. We must prepare our pupils to live in harmony in a multi-racial society by helping them to understand the social and economic origins of prejudice ... We want our pupils to have the power of critical reflection, the ability to explore ideas and attitudes with understanding and detachment, and the ability to challenge information. They should acquire the confidence to question established authorities and to think independently, and should learn to justify opinions in a rational manner.'

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As we have stressed in Chapter Two, much of the task in countering and overcoming racism is concerned with attitude change and with encouraging youngsters to develop positive attitudes towards the multi-racial nature of society, free from the influence of inaccurate myths and stereotypes about other ethnic groups. As the authors of the second NFER review of research commented:

'... surely if it is part of education to develop rationality and critical thinking schools cannot deny their function to assist all pupils to come to have a better appreciation of their own attitudes and emotions - including those towards race and especially other-race pupils in their own school environment. Pupils cannot be forced to like each other ... but in coming to see how irrational attitudes and emotions are constitutive of prejudice they may in turn reappraise their own thoughts and feelings which may later have some effect in changed behaviour.'

'We recommend that a syllabus recognising the multi-ethnic character of Britain be used in ALL schools, NOT just those with a multi-ethnic population. Ignorance breeds prejudice, especially where there is no opportunity for recognising shared interests.'

2.5 The role of education cannot be and cannot be expected to be to reinforce the values, beliefs and cultural identity which each child brings to school - indeed such an education would surely be as rooted in one culture as much of the traditional Anglo-centric curriculum is

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at present. As one Asian teacher we met emphasised, the aim should not be:

'... the teaching of African or Asian Studies to ethnic minority pupils but rather a sharing and reassessment of one's own culture for all.'

'We need to determine the most appropriate educational responses to the different and often conflicting behaviours, values, beliefs and identifications that students bring to school. Our role is certainly not merely to reinforce them. Such an education would be far too limiting and culturally encapsulating. It would also not help students to attain the values, skills, and abilities needed to fully participate in the national civic culture. ... While the school should not merely reinforce the parochial cultures of students, it should, however, try to avoid teaching students contempt for their primordial cultures and making them ashamed of their behaviour, values and world views.'

'... education is not concerned with teaching children their culture. That is too presumptuous a role for education to attempt to undertake.'

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It must be recognised that seeking to 'preserve' a culture is in any case self-defeating since all cultures are dynamic and are continually changing and being changed. The cultures of the countries of origin of ethnic minority communities have indeed often undergone considerable change and development since the original migrants left. 'It is clear that many British-born ethnic minority youngsters are now developing a cultural identity which is rather different from that of their parents and grandparents, in which elements of their cultural background and their religious and linguistic heritage are blended with, but by no means subsumed by, the influences of the majority community's way of life. In this situation it would in our view be entirely wrong for schools to attempt to impose a predetermined and rigid 'cultural identity' on any youngster, thus restricting his or her freedom to decide as far as possible for themselves their own future way of life. We would instead wish to see schools encouraging the cultural development of all their pupils, both in terms of helping them to gain confidence in their own cultural identities while learning to respect the identities of other groups as equally valid in their own right.

Not 'Separate' Provision or 'Tokenism'

2.6 In seeking to reflect the multi-racial nature of today's society within the curriculum and the overall life of a school however there is always a risk that only 'token' account will be taken of the presence of ethnic minority pupils - as a paper prepared by one multi-racial LEA observed:

'Adding 'Multicultural Aspects' to an ethnocentric approach does not constitute multicultural education. Multicultural education of the 'addition of multicultural aspects' variety (sometimes called the 'steel-band and Diwali' model) has been ill-conceived, although based on good intentions, ... Multicultural education can only develop positively from a serious analysis of the cultural and racial assumptions in the 'normal' British education system. The rejection of an ethnocentric approach requires a commitment to equality, which can only come from within each individual. It is a commitment which is either total or non-existent. A lip-service approach to multicultural education is probably more damaging than a declared ethnocentric approach.'

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school's 'ethnic evening' (the type of activity often viewed as tokenism) - a concert featuring Asian, West Indian and 'white, indigenous' music and dance, with none being presented as 'exotic' or divergent from an assumed 'norm' but all. being seen as expressions of the pluralist character of the school's population. We believe it is wrong to dismiss such occasions automatically as tokenism; the key issue is whether such provisions are a school's only gesture towards the presence of ethnic minority pupils - which would in our view be a form of tokenism - or whether, as in this particular school, this was simply one manifestation of a school's overall attempt to reappraise and revise its practice, both in the curriculum 'proper' and in such extra-curricular activities, in response to its pupil population.

Appreciation of Diversity

2.7 In our view 'Education for All' should involve more than learning about the cultures and lifestyles of various ethnic groups; it should also seek to develop in all pupils, both ethnic majority and minority, a flexibility of mind and an ability to analyse critically and rationally the nature of British society today within a global context. The reality of British society now and in the future, is that a variety of ethnic groups, with their own distinct lifestyles and value systems, will be living together. It is perhaps inevitable that conflicts may arise from time to time between the aspirations and expectations of these groups. It is also possible that there will be some degree of cultural interchange, with individuals adopting or adapting elements of other group's cultural styles as part of their own. The aim of education should be to ensure that from their earliest years children learn to accept the normality and justice of a variety of points of view without feeling threatened, and are indeed encouraged to find this variety of outlook stimulating in itself. Schools should offer their pupils the skills needed to contribute to a resolution of any conflicts which do arise in a positive and constructive way. As the Schools Council put it in their evidence to us:

'It would be possible to say that (a multicultural) curriculum existed when: ... it was accepted by all sections of society that to draw on a diversity of cultural sources, and to incorporate a world perspective, was proper and unremarkable.'

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